The Vindicator, December 7, 1860, p. 1, c. 3
Why are our Southern friends kicking up such a row about the election of Lincoln? The "better half" of the concern, Mrs. Lincoln, is strong in her attachment to the institution of slavery. If the women are right, there is not much danger of any great wrong being committed by the men.
The Vindicator, December 14, 1860, p. 2, c. 2
We are very little acquainted with Gas arrangements of Staunton, and consequently cannot give any very satisfactory reason for the outrageous negligence or carelessness which has deprived the town of light for a week past. We have understood that the resin, from which our gas is made, was suffered to give out, and hence the exhaustion of the gasometer. We are not informed as to the exact terms of the contract on which the gas is supplied, but if there can be any justification for it, we hope the council will at once bring suit against the contractors for damages, or failure to comply with stipulations. In the present condition of our streets it is extremely dangerous to walk at night without gas lights. We urge the council to at once enquire into the cause of the absence of the lights, and ascertain whether or not this great inconvenience has been occasioned by unavoidable necessity, or inexcusable negligence.
The Vindicator, December 14, 1860, p. 2, c. 3
The philosophy of history has been studied to little purpose, if the intelligent reader does not see in the causes which are shaking the fundamental structure of our government, the agencies that overthrew destroyed the Republics of Greece and Rome. Xenophon and Isocrates have transmitted the beneficial instruction that popular government was administered with singular success in Athens and Sparta, so long as the people were held to a rigid observation of the laws, and never permitted to indulge in habitual neglect of the stern requirements of mutual confidence, respect and fraternity. So long as an elevated sense of obedience to government animated the people, those cities marched forward in all the arts of civilization, and attained the eminence that eclipsed in renown and splendor the then known world. The first symptoms of decline and decay were manifested in a departure from the teachings and examples of the founders of the cities. A gradual laxity in the administration of the laws quickly succeeded, and finally the whims of the popular mob became the ruling element in the administrations; license assumed the mantle of law; the governments of regulated liberty were swiftly converted into warring and chaotic elements, and the last hopes of a once happy, prosperous and contented people blotted out in a sea of blood and carnage.
No less impressive are the lessons drawn from the graphic historical recitals of Gibbon, as he traces, with the charm of Romance, the "decline and fall" of the Roman Empire. The incipient signs of disease in the body politic, at first apparently trifling and insignificant, and no larger than a man's hand, gradually spread, until the entire system became corrupted, and the dark cloud of impending ruin broke in destructive fury upon it.
We do not think it is drawing upon the imagination to an absurd degree to assume that Washington himself, when penning that rich legacy to posterity--his Farewell Address--had vividly before his mind's eye the mournful lessons of the history of these ancient governments. It cannot escape the intelligent reader's attention, that his earnest warnings and patriotic injunctions are directed against the very evils which proved the bane of the political systems of Greece and Rome, and are, therefore, not so much the result of a prophetic vision as the philosophic teachings of history. The same may be written of the Farewell Address of Jackson, who, instructed by the realization of many of the evils which Washington predicted would grow out of sectional prejudices and geographical parties, was thus, with the lights of actual experience, as well as of historical record, beaming all around him, enabled to point out with the greater accuracy the evils which threatened the stability and existence of our government.--Could those great and good men have lifted the curtain of time itself, and been permitted to glance down its unveiled vista, they could not have invested their patriotic warnings with more instructive truths. And if the seals that have thus far been broken attest the prophetic wisdom of Washington and Jackson, how can we close our eyes to the rushing conviction that the mournful fears which pressed upon them may be realized to the very letter in our own day and generation. Sectional parties have been formed. Against these they warned us.--Embittered feelings have been engendered. This, they told us, would be the natural result of sectional parties. Mutual distrust, antipathy and hate do exist, which they plainly pointed out to us. The Union is now shaking and creaking under fratricidal blows, and will, we fear, speedily be riven asunder, thus realizing their most painful fears and forebodings. If in these respects, Washington and Jackson were the faithful chroniclers of unseen events, is it not more than possible that the warring, petty Republics and States which they pictured in the dim future, may be our destiny, until we fall prey to more wise and united powers?
We confess that the actual developments which loom up before us in the history of our government, have startled and shaken our faith in the destiny of the American Republic. While ever skeptical, when left alone with reason, as to the continuance of an united Confederacy of all the States, we have thrown our intellectual doubts and fears down before the triumphs of an abiding faith that the reins of this free and happy government would be controlled by the Ruler of the Army and Council of the Skies, for the purpose of spreading, by the agency of Democratic Republican government, the principles of Christianity throughout the world. Believing that the destiny of peoples and governments are determined in the Councils of Divinity, we still cling to the conviction that whether united or separated, some good end is destined to be accomplished.
The historical truth that the negro slave and the acquisition of Territory constitute the rock which will eventually break asunder the Union of the States, affords us a gleam of light as to the pat "Manifest Destiny," marching before us like a pillar of cloud by day and fire by night, is pointing out for the Southern Confederacy. We have ever believed that the genius of American liberty was destined to overspread the Mexican Republic, and thus pave the way for the triumph of Christianity over the religious superstition of that benighted and priest-ridden people--wresting one of the loveliest countries beneath the sun from the rule of ignorance, tyranny, and wickedness, and making her beautiful valleys to blossom as the rose, and her auriferous mountains to yield up their immense treasures, under the magic touch of Anglo-Saxon energy and industry.
The question presents itself, is this possible so long as the enemies of the expansion of negro slavery have the numerical power in our national councils? We think not, for it is a conclusion fortified by the most powerful arguments-- adaptation of soil and climate--which can be adduced, that negro slavery is destined to be established in old Mexico, if ever that country passes from the ruse of the race that at present governs it, and becomes a part of the American domain. This being admitted, then it follows, the antipathy of the Northern mind to the expansion of slavery being greater than a desire for territorial acquisition, that no scheme, however plausible, could ever be carried into successful operation, the object of which would be the possession of Mexico, so long as the Union of these States continues.
But establish a Southern Confederacy, then the difficulty arising from division of sentiment on the negro question would be removed, for there would be but one opinion in common with all the component parts of such a government, and that, the dedication of all territory to slavery where it could be made profitable.
May it not be, then, an arrangement in the economy of Providence--an unfolding in the "Manifest Destiny" of our race--that from the rending asunder of the bonds that unite these States, is to be accomplished the peaceful religious and political regeneration of that land of beauty, mystery and romance, around whose history is thrown a charm and attraction unsurpassed by the most fascinating pictures of modern fiction? Under the auspices of a Southern Confederacy, this could be attained without the fear of violent controversies, sectional wars, and personal hatreds; while, if attempted by a Confederacy united in name, but divided in sentiment, a scene of strife and crimination would follow, shocking to the civilized world, and a libel upon the name of an enlightened patriotism. The history of Kansas, written in tears and blood, is a fearful warning against the acquisition of more territory as an united people.
We have implicit faith that it is the "Manifest Destiny" of this country, under Providence, to absorb the chaotic, torn and tattered powers of the North American Continent, and bring them under the genial sway of Republicanism and Christianity. If the union of these States lies in the way of the accomplishment of that end, then we believe there will be a peaceable and permanent separation, each Confederacy contributing its quota to carrying out the grand scheme of reformation.
It is very evident, too, that the moral and religious conviction of the South is better adopted to the dissemination and inculcation of the simple truths of free government regulated by law, and the Bible, than the North. There, the great substratum of society is corrupt and polluted, sending forth a stream of infidelity, heresy and blasphemy unparalleled in the history of the world.--With no permanent rule of moral action, but liable to break out in the assertion of some monstrous doctrine of religious and political fanaticism, such as Millerism, Foreurism, Woman's Rightism, &c., the respect and confidence of an inferior people could not be commanded, for the example of immorality and radicalism would successfully estop the enforcement of virtuous precepts.
The social and moral status of Southern society is of more substantial character, and better adapted to the great work of implanting the living truths of free government and christian religion and virtue, in the minds of an inferior race. The steady political conservatism, the firm morality, and elevated conscientiousness of Southern character, would at once revolutionize, by the silent, yet potential agencies of precept and example, the social structure of that unhappy and misguided people.
The Vindicator, December 21, 1860, p. 1, c. 4
DEAR SIR:--As yet, I have seen but little of the city, for such it claims to be.--The present census, imperfectly taken all admit, makes the population near ten thousand. From the State House, the corporate limits extend a mile towards each point of the compass. The ground sloping gracefully in every direction affords very desirable building sites, anywhere. The streets are one hundred feet wide, and planted with the willow and live oak and China trees.--The residences have spacious grounds most tastefully ornamented with all the evergreens and shrubs common to this clime.--The most interesting part of the town, containing the residence of the late Wade Hampton, now occupied by his son-in-law, Col. John Preston, I have not yet seen.--This spot it was where the distinguished orator of the South, Wm. C. Preston lately breathed his last. The new State House, in progress of building, commands a beautiful view, the site reminding me much of ours. The granite of which it is constructed is nearly equal to that at Richmond--perhaps not quite so fair in color, or fine in texture. The style is Corinthian, and judging from a beautiful drawing in the architects office, will be more striking than the National Capitol. The busts of McDuffie and Hayne, in basso-relievo, adorn the front, on either side of the door opening from the second story, on to the portico.--In rear of the new, and in front of the old State House, stands the monument erected to the memory of those brave men of the Palmetto Regiment who fell in Mexico.--The base is of iron, some eight feet in height, with sides inclining towards each other at top, and with an open space at bottom, in which is a copper block, inscribed with the names of the officers and men, and the whole surmounted with a Palmetto tree of copper, but so true to life, that you are only convinced by handling it that it has not just been removed from that beautiful grove you will remember, on the south of Charleston harbor. In the original design the monument was to have been made much higher, which will be done when the new Capitol is finished, by placing it on a more elevated base. In these days you can scarcely open a paper from the North, that you do not find taunts and innuendos indulged in by those miserable Black Republican journals, against the bravery and courage of this people. It has been my pleasure since I came here to become well acquainted with two of the brave Captains of that noble regiments, one of whom holds the position of Adjutant and Inspector General of the State, and the other represents most worthily the District of Newberry in the present House of Representatives, and wears the title of General. Before the battle of Cherubusco, I think it was, that Gen. Butler, in writing to Gen. Worth, said--"Col. Dickinson deserves a place in the picture, near the flashing of the guns." Gen. Worth, on the day of battle, said to Gen. Shields, "there is not a South Carolinian here, who will not follow you to death."--"Aye, to the death," responded private Whitfield Brooks. "Stand the fire at all hazards, remembering you are from South Carolina," were the last inspiring words of Lieut. D. R. Clarke. But I cannot give you a better description of their noble bearing on that bloody field, than in the description taken from the "Life and Correspondence of Gen. John a. Quitman." which I enclose. The following is an extract of the description of the battle of Cherubusco:
"Col. Butler, of the South Carolinians,, had left his sick bed against the remonstrances of his friends, to lead the Palmettos to the combat. Early in the engagement his horse was shot under him. Soon after he received a painful wound in the knee, yielded the command to Lieutenant Colonel Dickinson. Taking the Palmetto flag from the hands of Sergeant Beggs, Dickinson placed himself in front, and Beggs was immediately shot down. Col. Butler now came up to resume the command and was killed by the side of Dickinson while standing under the flag. Dickinson himself soon fell mortally wounded, (he died some weeks afterwards,) and Major Gladden received it from his hands, and committed it to Lieut. Baker, who being unable, from debility and exhaustion, to carry it, Major Gladden placed it in the hands of Patrick Leonard, and led his regiment to the charge. His men fell rapidly, but not one wavered, from first to last, under the concentrated fire of the enemy. In the whole history of war there has never been a more striking example of indifference to death, the result of stern resolve. Each man fought for the honor of Carolina. Several companies were almost annihilated.--Some had not men enough to bury their dead, or bear their wounded to the ambulances. The uniforms of some of the officers were literally torn from their persons; the color-bearers were shot down; but the flag, bathed in their blood, was always seized as they fell and borne to the front. Proudly it floated through the tempest of death until the victory had been won, and then, all torn and blood-stained, it dropped over its own glorious dead. The regiment entered the battle with 273 rank and file, and when it was over it mustered 169! It had no missing: its dead and wounded made up the deficiency. Cadets of a noble State, sons of a sunny clime, branded by their country as traitors, for defending the Constitution and their rights from usurpation and outrage, yet dying cheerfully for that country in a foreign land--the world may learn that such a race, in defense of their own homestead and institutions, can never be subdued?
Now, my friend, I deem it a privilege to have looked upon "that flag,"
or the shreds and remains of it; and I pardon the excess of State pride of a
people who can boast of such trophies. It is preserved where it ought to be
in a glass case in their Capitol, where her sons and daughters may see it--the former
to learn the lessons so gallantly taught them, and the latter to cherish their
memories and inspirit their sons and brothers to emulate their deeds. You may rest
assured that when that evil day shall come (and may kind Heaven avert it!) that
shall see the North in battle array against the South--South Carolina will send as
brave and as gallant and as true men into the field, as the noble spirits that carried
that Palmetto flag from Vera Cruz and planted it on the battlements of the halls of
the Montezumas. And, more than that, as fair and beautiful and spirited mothers
and wives and daughters will send them forth to battle for their household gods, as
any, the most highly favored of this once happy nation, could ever boast. The spirit
of the fair is excited beyond that of the other sex in this crisis, and he would
be a craven base who would not fight for homes, graced with such inmates.
As I have been disposed to run a parallel between South Carolinians and
Virginians, I will do so in another instance, and, I regret to say, the comparison is
unfavorable to us. I refer to the subject of temperance. I have been now well night a
week in intimate friendly social intercourse with the representatives of both
branches of the Legislature of the State, and seen much, also, of other dignitaries,
such as Judges, ex-Governors, &c., and I have not seen a drink at the bar indulged in
by any on of these gentlemen since I have been here. I have seen more liquor drank
at the bar of the Virginia Hotel in two hours of a Court day, or in a half-hour at the
bar of the Exchange hotel, than I have seen drank by all classes here since I came. In
many of the districts of the State there is not a licensed grog-shop of any kind, and
the representative of the district of Marlboro' informed me that there had not been
one in his for the period of twenty years, and what may seem singular, the Board of
Commissioners, whose duty it is to grant these licenses, were men fond of the
article, but yet, actuated by a sense of duty to others, invariably refused all
applications. I may have observed in a former letter the marked homogeneous
character of this people. It is particularly true as applied to the representatives. To
one familiar with the members of our Legislature, the fact would be quite noticeable.
They have no subjects of political difference, nor any local questions that make the
asperity you sometimes see in our legislative halls. In the great questions now
agitating the State, they are a unit. 'Tis remarkable, that of their prominent men,
Col. Pettigree, of Charleston, and Col. Perry, of one of the upland districts, are the
only two men who differ seriously with the mass of the people, and they withdraw
all opposition, and bow to the popular will. Yours sincerely,
The Vindicator, December 21, 1860, p. 2, c. 2
We are gratified to notice that our suggestion for a Convention of the Border States is being generally endorsed and recommended by the press of all parties in this and other States. We believe that is the most efficacious remedy that can be adopted if a National Convention should not be called. Let the Border States assemble in convention, take their position upon the present Constitution, with any modifications a free conference and patient deliberation may recommend, and then invite all the States of the Union to join them. A union would be more speedily effected upon a more lasting basis than the present, from which doubtless would be excluded South Carolina and the New England States. Or, if they came into it, they would have to do so upon such conditions as would forever preclude them from disturbing the harmony of the confederacy again. A Border State Convention is the most feasible idea upon which the Union can be reconstructed, the forms of republican government preserved, and the growth, power and prosperity of our country secured.
The Vindicator, December 21, 1860, p. 2, c. 2
Passing by as a number too few even to merit classification, those citizens of the South who are liable to the reproach of "Submissionists," two parties do actually exist in the South impelled in their action by different motives, and animated with different emotions in the position which they occupy in regard to the present political crisis, and the future destiny of the Union and the States of the Union. There does exist in the South a party of men who are disunionists per se--not disunionists alone because of a failure on the part of the Northern people to fulfill the obligations which they, through their State sovereignties, assumed in the Federal Constitution-- not from any dark spot which might tarnish the bright escutcheon of their honor, by virtue of their affiliation with the North--but disunionists, believing that the Cotton States will be advanced in the scale of wealth, prosperity, happiness and glory to an infinitely higher degree, if separated from the States of the North and confederated in a government of their own, than if they are members of the present Federal Union, even if all the provisions of the Federal Constitution are fully complied with, and every right and guarantee contained in the government is honestly adhered to. We do not think we would be hazarding too much when we express the opinion that South Carolina entertains this sentiment, and all those of the South who are willing to secede from the Union, notwithstanding satisfactory assurances and perfect guarantees are given by the North that hereafter our privileges and our property shall sustain no damage from Northern legislation, and ample indemnification is provided for every attack on individual rights and interests by fanatical mobs and abandoned outlaws.
There does exist in the South a party--a bold, brave, conservative party--which does not only act for the protection of their present interests, and the vindication of their honor, but are incited in their purposes by the purest motives of philanthropy and patriotism which ever actuated any body of men striking for the freedom of their country and the safety and integrity of their household alters. That party is the one which agrees to remain in the Union, ample satisfaction being given by notorious deed and legitimate method, that abolition fanaticism shall no more triumph over and trample upon Southern interests and Southern property. To condense in a few words: we have disunionists through a love of disunion, and we have disunionists through a hatred to usurpation and tyranny. We have no word of disrespect for South Carolina and other Southern States which see proper to leave the Union. They are Sovereign States, entitled to judge and act for themselves, and to weigh the consequences of their acts. There have been grievous breaches of the federal bond, we know, and it affords them favorable occasion to hoist the banner of secession, with no alternative of change. But whilst we concede to these States the power to determine their own destiny, we, without the slightest hesitancy, attach ourselves to that party which believes that the Federal Government, if legitimately administered and honestly adhered to, is the best adapted to the condition and the hopes of the people of the United States of North America, of any other species of government we have ever read of or ever heard of.
We are for a continuation of the Federal Union, if the Northern people repudiate and abandon their unjust course, and afford us sufficient security that they mean to deal honestly with the South in this regard. We are for secession on the part of Virginia, the border States and the South, and a proper division of the common property, if this security is not given.
After secession, new Confederations, we have no doubt, will be formed. We trust, sincerely trust, that every Southern State will be a member of a common Confederation, if this necessity-- which Heaven forbid--is forced upon us.
We hope that those true friends of justice in the North who have stood by us in the darkest hour of our peril, will either make their homes in this Southern Republic, or correct public opinion and control public sentiment in their own States sufficiently to justify the South in receiving them into any future alliance which they may adopt. We are determined to unite with no State which does not admit Virginia's equality with her--does not eschew every badge of royalty, and every idea of aristocracy, monarchy and caste. We must have a Confederacy of free States, under a free government, with a written Constitution.--If Virginia cannot get this, let Virginia stand alone or fall.