The Vindicator, March 1, 1861, p. 1, c. 5
The Washington correspondent of the New York Express writes: "The mortification of the Republicans at Mr. Lincoln's recent speeches increases with every fresh emanation from the Presidential tripod. They begin when it is too late to [line illegible] allegations of the Union men of Illinois to the incompetency of Lincoln for the Presidency. During the canvass, his supporters appealed triumphantly to his published speeches as proof of his ability. It now appears, as suspected at the time, that these speeches were carefully prepared by Mr. Judd and other friends of Mr. Lincoln, revised and re-revised, polished and re-written, to such a degree that they who heard them on the stump could not recognize them in print. This was a part of the game of deception played by the Republicans upon the people, to foist a man upon the country for its chief magistrate who was never regarded by his most intimate acquaintances, as anything more than a jocose, cunning, country politician. I am assured by those who knew him well that a more illiterate man it would be difficult to find, even among the self-made lawyers of Illinois. His chief characteristic is an immense 'gift of gab,' and a wonderful command of language, unaccompanied by a corresponding copiousness of ideas. The election of such a man at such a crisis is undoubtedly the greatest evil that has ever befallen this country. But the mischief is done, and the only relief for the American people is to shorten sail, caulk the hatches, put in the dead-lights, send down the topmasts, and prepare for a hurricane."
The Vindicator, March 1, 1861, p. 2, c. 3
The sluggish progress of the State Convention in reaching the object for which it was called, is bringing down upon the devoted heads of the members of that body curses both loud and deep from a deceived and outraged constituency. In session now two weeks, and yet not one step taken towards the end contemplated by the originators of the movement, that of placing Virginia in a decided position in the present crisis. They are now spending daily between $1,500 and $2,000 of the people's money doing nothing. It was not expected that the Convention would sit longer than ten days at farthest, before it would either lay down an ultimatum and fix a time for compliance without, or adjourn at once without doing anything. We are satisfied from the material of which the body is composed that they will do nothing, and therefore, as honorable men, it is their duty to adjourn at once, and relieve the people of the burden of the expenses which daily accumulate during its sessions. A majority of resurrected political hacks, whom the people have time and again consigned to the shades of private life, have control of the Convention. Unused to such distinction and bewildered by the giddy height to which they have been elevated, they are totally at a loss what [line missing] . . . [sym]pathy with the incoming administration--a traditional, inbred and embittered hatred of Democracy--we cannot expect anything more from them than to pass by in silence the stupendous events that are crowding upon us and shaking the nation to pieces, and their labors and energies to be directed to the consolidation of a party, whose paramount object will be to defeat the Democracy and inaugurate the ascendancy of Federalism and semi-republicanism in Virginia.
Look at the leading spirits of the Convention. Janney, Scott, Goggin, Flournoy, Summers, Stuart, Southall, Moore, and others upon whom the people heretofore, when free from excitement and the influence of panic, have set their seal of condemnation, are directing its deliberations. What care they for the character and policy of the federal administration, so they can be placed in control of the political fortunes of Virginia! In this connection, we call attention to a letter written in Richmond for the New York Tribune, and which we re-publish today. It will there be seen what is the impression created in the republican ranks by the result in Virginia and the action of the Convention thus far. We boldly proclaim it, that the policy of that body, if persisted in, will bring on civil war, and drench this land in brothers' blood.
The Vindicator, March 1, 1861, p. 2, c. 4
This national holiday was appropriately celebrated by the military of Staunton. Early in the morning the two volunteer companies--West Augusta Guard, Capt. Baylor, the Staunton Artillery, Capt. Imboden, and the Cadets of Henderson's High School, under their tutor, Mr. Henderson--formed into line near the American Hotel, and proceeding through our principal streets, accompanied by Turner's Cornet Band, marched to the parade ground, in the northern limit of the town, whence, after going through various evolutions, they returned to the place of starting. An encampment was then formed in Stuart's meadow--tents pitched, guards appointed, and all the other minutia of camp life strictly observed. The scene reminded us of other days, when afar off, we experienced the romantic excitement and deprivation of actual campaigning-- when all eyes were on the qui vive for the stealthy approach of the red skins, or the evidence of their whereabouts as given in the lazily curling smoke raising from the camp fires in the distance. Forgetting that, although a peaceful sky arched above us and smiling friends greeted us at every step, we were nevertheless under the control of military discipline and regulations, we attempted to leave the encampment and pass the guard line. No sooner were hailed, "who comes" [from the] post than we [line missing] . . . knowing the countersign, we of course, said nothing; whereupon the aforesaid sentinel bellowed out, "Corporal of the Guard, post number seven." Four soldiers and the Corporal came marching up as if to storm a fort. We instantly arrested them, and proceeding with them to the officer of the day, Lt. Waters, we arrested the commander of the company, Capt. Baylor, all of whom we released on the conditions that they would treat to the refreshments necessary on the occasion, and permit us thereafter to go whithersoever we listeth. These conditions being complied with, and having partaken of the contents of the mess chests of Capts. Imboden and Baylor, we vamosed the encampment, and sought a retreat less exposed to the rigors of military discipline. We were surprised at the promptness with which the tents were pitched and the familiarity displayed with all the regulations of camp life. Considering that but very few of the members of these companies have ever seen actual service in arms, they exhibited a remarkable facility in the arrangement and execution of all their plans. It evidences application of no ordinary degree on the part both of officers and men.
At night a grand fair and entertainment was given at the new depot for the benefit of the "West Augusta Guard." We have never seen so large an attendance on any similar occasion, for the reason, we suppose, that heretofore fairs have been gotten up for the benefit of some particular religious denomination. But here Catholic, Episcopal, Baptist, Methodist, Lutheran and Presbyterian made common cause, and contributed to swell the crowd as well as the income of the entertainment. The nett [sic] amount realized was over $600.
Altogether, the celebration of the 22d passed off very agreeably, and to the gratification of our citizens. No unpleasant incident marred the proceedings of the day, save an occasional boisterous demonstration from a disciple of John Barleycorn.
The Vindicator, March 1, 1861, p. 2, c. 4
The gist and marrow of the question that now threatens to plunge our country into civil war, will be settled in a very short time. It is whether the doctrine of coercion or secession is to be recognized by Lincoln's administration. Of necessity this point will have to be adjusted by Lincoln and his Cabinet immediately after they are installed in office. If Mr. Mr. [sic] Lincoln attempts to collect the revenue or to re-inforce the forts in the seceded States, that will be a tangible evidence of a purpose to coerce. If not, then the doctrine of secession will have to be recognized, whether as an abstract question or as a matter of policy, is of little moment. Theories in regard to this question effect only the past. At present it is a practical issue which must be decided promptly and at once. We can scarcely believe that Mr. Lincoln will be so reckless of the happiness of thirty millions of people as to attempt to carry out the intimations he has shadowed forth of his views on this subject. We will see, however, in a very few days.
The Vindicator, March 1, 1861, p. 3, c. 5
An informal meeting of Officers was held in Staunton on the 22nd ult., at which the Staunton Artillery, West Augusta Guard, and the Union Grays were represented, when it was
Resolved, That in the opinion of this meeting a REGIMENT OF VOLUNTEERS ought to be organized in Augusta, as soon as practicable.
Resolved, That the Officers of all the Volunteer Companies in the county be invited to meet in Staunton on Monday the 4th of March, to organize said Regiment.
J.D. Imboden, Chairman.
W.H. Randolph, Sec'y.
March 1, 1861.
The Vindicator, March 8, 1861, p. 2, c. 3
The new M.E. Church in this place will be dedicated on Sabbath next. Several distinguished Ministers from a distance are expected to be in attendance, by whom the exercises will be conducted.
The Vindicator, March 8, 1861, p. 2, c. 5
The Spectator attempts to be very severe on Senators Mason and Hunter, because they opposed in the Senate the report of the Peace Conference, and says they "paid no respect to the voice of Virginia, recently expressed in thunder-tones at the polls." Our neighbor is not authorized, as we conceive, to assume as a verity in advance, that the people of Virginia are willing to enslave themselves by adopting or acquiescing in the proposition of the Peace Conference. That body originated at the suggestion of the Virginia Legislature, which at the same time endorsed the Crittenden amendments as the basis of adjustment, and nothing like the ambiguous and jesuitical emanation of the Peace Congress. We, as every one who reads our paper, well knows, have no especial partiality for either Mr. Mason or Mr. Hunter, nor is it our purpose or inclination to defend their past course, but in this instance we think they represented the sentiment of Virginia. If they did not, then Virginia ought to array herself under the black flag of Lincoln, and exclaim, Allah is great and Mahomet is prophet. Libertad y deos.
The Vindicator, March 8, 1861, p. 2, c. 5
Judge Jno. Brockenbrough, one of the Commissioners from Virginia to the Peace Congress, passed through Staunton on the 4th, on his way to his home in Lexington. In a brief conversation with the Judge, he expressed it as his opinion that there was very little hope of an adjustment of our national difficulties. He regards the amendment to the Constitution proposed by Mr. Corwin, and the report of the Peace Commissioners, as mere patch work, and falling immeasurably short of a remedy, or a just and fair basis of settlement. The Judge seemed to feel exceedingly despondent for the country, and loth to contemplate the sad disasters which loom up in the future for the only truly free government in the world.
The Vindicator, March 15, 1861, p. 1, c. 3
The Washington correspondent of the Richmond Examiner says:
In Southern circles here little doubt is entertained as to the policy and purpose of the Inaugural address. It is believed Mr. Lincoln will proceed, without delay, to adopt hostile measures against the South. A collision in less than a week is quite possible. This may grow out of an attempt to collect revenue at the South, to reinforce Forts Sumter [sic] and Pickens, or to retake other places. The words, "hold, occupy and possess," in reference to the forts and other coast points in the South, coupled with the special reservations made as to interior places where residents cannot be induced to hold offices, are full of meaning. They teach us to be prepared for war at a moment's notice, and those recreant Virginians whose base hearts throb with sympathy for the North may at once prepare their cartridges for a fight with their own neighbors.
In army circles the reinforcement of Fort Sumter is proposed to be effected in a stealthy mode at first, by sending down a ship provided with good seat boats, who are to go in by night from the sea, take advantage of bad weather, fogs and an imperfect vigilance of the South Carolina steamers posted on the look out, and thus get men enough in Fort Sumpter to resist an assault. After this is done, four or five war vessels will then essay to force their way in, and Major Anderson will open fire to sustain them.
It is not unlikely this plan may be hit upon, but I am included to think a prior step will be the repudiation by the Government of agreement made at Pensacola by the late Administration. Orders will be sent to Lieut. Slemmer, commanding Fort Pickens, to take men from the slip to reinforce the garrison, to bring in the war vessels, and to demand a surrender of the Navy Yard by the officers of the Provisional Government.
Such are some of the steps likely to be taken by the Government to bring on the war they covet. They rely upon their ability to whip the South, and count extensively on help from Andrew Johnson and the men like him in your Convention. Lincoln does not know these men. Their treason lies in hatching plots, and will shrink from the open field where they will have to confront the brave and true men of the South.
The Vindicator, March 15, 1861, p. 2, c. 1
The Southern Confederacy is gradually progressing in a career of eminent success. With the flower of the American Army in command of 50,000 well drilled troops; the most gifted and experienced statesmen of the age in charge of its civil departments; a treasury well supplied with funds; and sustained by the hearts and hands of a united people, the new Confederacy bids fair to become one of the most successful and prosperous governments on the globe. Its foundation are being carefully and firmly laid; its columns erected to meet all the shocks and throes incident to new enterprises, and its arches formed to bear the weight of an empire baptised in blood, if needs be. The idea of this government ever again uniting with a people whose entire education is enmity and whose highest ambition is oppression, aggression and outrage, is simply preposterous. Such a thing is not dreamed of by the statesmen who are directing the affairs of the Confederate States. Every act is looking directly to the establishment of a firm, united and powerful government, sufficient for all the exigencies of peace or war.
The Vindicator, March 15, 1861, p. 2, c. 4
We have good reason to believe that our State has been selected as the grand arena for the display of Black Republican prowess--that our people have been marked as the victims for Black Republican vengeance. The concentration of forces about Washington city--a point convenient to Fortress Monroe and the Virginia line--the unusual precaution exercised in reference to points over which federal authority extends in Virginia--the increase of federal soldiery in our midst--are all prominent facts of evidence driving us to the conclusion that the State which gave the soldier who won our liberties, and the statesman who fortified them with constitutional barriers, is to be the first to meet the shock of Black Republican invasion. The people's representatives in Richmond perceive this--some acknowledge this--and yet there has been no act passed, nor movement effected, calculated to detach Virginia from the anaconda folds of this hideous centralism, and place her where she can resist the machinations and devices of her enemies.
Lincoln threatens coercion, yet our Convention hesitates to secede; the Peace Conference patch-work is repudiated by Congress, yet the Convention hesitates to secede; the starved forces of the Government are whistled from Fort Sumpter, and thrown into Fortress Monroe or Washington city, yet the Convention hesitates to secede; the brand of infamy and inequality is ready to be impressed, hissing hot, into our flesh, yet the Convention hesitates to secede; the Southern Confederation opens wide its gates and beseeches Virginia to take her stand under the folds of that banner which bears upon it the blessed motto of Constitutional freedom and State equality, yet the Convention hesitates to secede. Are the Freemen of Virginia ready to acknowledge the inequality and inferiority of their State? Have they prepared their minds to witness the most revolting spectacle ever yet presented to the gaze of civilization--the voluntary abandonment, by representatives of a free people, of all that ennobles humanity and elevates social existence? Honor, freedom, justice, good faith, all are to be crushed under the Juggernaut of abolition villainy. We put it to the farmer, the mechanic, the professional man, to men of every grade of wealth and every occupation, if this deed shall be perpetrated by the Convention with impunity? We can answer for the people of the country that they are not now, and never will be, willing to pass from a state of freedom to a condition of vassalage--to bend their necks to the yoke of abolition servitude. The Convention cannot consign us to Northern despotism. The programme may be made out--the gyves all finished and furnished to conventional order by abolition hands. Yet ultimately Virginia is as certain to disconnect herself from the North, and unite with her natural allies of the South, as that infamy attaches to the one, and honor is the controlling principle of the other. The Convention may delay--the Convention may jeopardize our safety--the Convention may put to useless sacrifice many valuable lives, but the people of Virginia, in the strength of that integrity and power and patriotism, high above all Conventions, will force their representatives to strike the blow in behalf of that civil, religious and political liberty which constitutes the chief glory and pride of our beloved Commonwealth.
The Vindicator, March 15, 1861, p. 2, c. 4
This body has new under consideration the propriety of an immediate withdrawal from the General Conference, in consequence of the "New Chapter" of the Buffalo Conference in 1860, antagonistic to, and denunciatory of slavery. The Rev. Mr. Griffith, a man grown gray in the cause of Methodism, characterized the Chapter as immoral, false and heretical; whilst Rev. Norval Wilson, in a speech of signal ability, replete with the most cogent argument, advocated an immediate separation from the Methodists north of Mason and Dixon's line. We write this at the conclusion of Rev. Mr. Phelp's advocacy of a continued union with the General Conference. The effort of this gentleman was as ineffective and impotent, as the course which he advised is impolitic and suicidal. An analysis of his speech would present excitability, fustian sophistry and error. We do not propose to assert that the gentleman embraces wrong intelligently--we have no means of understanding if this is the case; but assuming the most charitable view in reference to his position, we must express our sentiments of regret that the Church and its prospects are to be afflicted, perhaps blighted, by ignorance so obtuse. Mr. Phelps, at the same time that he resists the plan of separation, attacks it from the masked battery of Southern devotion. Pretending to esteem the continuance of slavery as essentially right and proper, he still prefers to remain in connection with a Church which denounces it as infamous. Assuming to shelter and protect his erring brethren of the North under the wing of an enlarged virtue, he would also embrace the institution of negro slavery as eminently wise and proper. The strong point of his argument, if any point could be found weaker than another, was, that the Baltimore Conference should rather seek to throttle vice than evade it--that the errors of the Northern mind should be dissipated by the light of Southern reason, and not be deprived of that light forever. We acknowledge that virtue should seek vice for the purpose of correcting it; but when vice, as in the present case, establishes its most infamous propositions as important principles of a Church creed, and requires virtue to endorse and propagate them, then the good and true and just men, whether in the pulpit or in the congregation, must refuse an alliance so revolting to human nature--so subversive of the teachings of an enlightened morality and Biblical precept.
The Vindicator, March 15, 1861, p. 3, c. 1
Mr. Editor: Your neighbor of the Spectator, in his zeal to bind us to Black Republican misrule, has been laboring to show that the "chief object" had in view in the formation of the present Constitution of the United States was to "preserve the Union," and that the "great defect" of the old Confederation consisted in its "inability to preserve it"-- the Union.
This, in a certain sense, is true--but not as the editor seems to understand it.
The old articles of Confederation proved wholly inadequate to secure an efficient government for the special purposes designed by the States. Hence it was falling rapidly into popular disfavor, and in danger of dissolution.
[Illegible], and in this sense alone, the present Constitution became necessary for the preservation of the Union.
The idea of the Spectator, however, appears to be that the object was simply to clothe the Federal Government with power to coerce the States to its authority. This, he argues, indeed, was the "chief object"! The "common defense" and "general welfare" of the States, were of course secondary and subordinate! The absurdity of such a proposition (to say nothing of its monstrosity,) is too palpable for serious refutation.
The editor reads history to little purpose, if he can see, in the extracts which he makes, any support for the Black Republican doctrine of Coercion. Ours is emphatically a Government of Opinion, not of Force; and the only ligaments of Union between the States are interest and affection.
The Federal Government is a mere emanation from the Sovereignties of the States, and the present Constitution was designed simply to create a more efficient Agent for management of their general interests; one which would work unobstructedly in its distinctly prescribed sphere, free from the delays and cumbrous clogs of separate State cooperation. So jealous, indeed, were the framers of the Constitution in guarding against the idea of Consolidation, that the word "National" was stricken out of the Constitution as originally drafted, without a dissenting voice.
STATE RIGHTS.
The Vindicator, March 15, 1861, p. 3, c. 1
The advocates of "Reference" previous to the election of delegates to the Convention, delighted to dwell on the Sovereignty of the people and their right to determine by their votes the future destiny of Virginia. The proposition has been made in the shape of a resolution that the people shall have the opportunity of determining whether Virginia will continue to hang on to the abolition States of the North, or will unite her fate with her sister States of the Southern Confederation. This brings the question immediately before the people. We ask that they may act for themselves on this important question. They are honest and capable and patriotic, their interests are immediately concerned. Which member or members of the Convention will vote against this resolution, and record himself as fearing to trust the people in the management of their own business?
Put this question, gentlemen of the Convention, to the people who made you members of that body and our word for it that Virginia will no longer be the hanger-on of Black Republican States, but will soon become a member of the Southern Confederation, that the star of our destiny will no longer be dimmed by the sombre clouds of fanaticism, but will shed its genial rays over every point of our social surface,
"Not as in Northern climes obscurely bright,
But one unclouded blaze of [illegible] light."
The Vindicator, March 15, 1861, p. 3, c. 1
During the past two weeks religious services have been held twice every day in the Baptist Church in this place, in which the Pastor has been assisted by Rev. T.W. Greer, of Charlotte. Twenty-three persons have been baptized, and several others are awaiting the ordinance.
The Vindicator, March 22, 1861, p. 2, c. 1
We again remind the Democracy of the county, that a meeting will be held on Monday next to appoint delegates to a Congressional Convention to assemble in Harrisonburg on the 25th of April. This day is fixed upon, because it will not interfere with the Courts of any county in the District that we know of. We trust there will be a full meeting, for we deem it of the highest importance that prompt and determined steps be taken to organize the party and prepare for the triumph of the Democracy in May next. The contest is emphatically to be between State Rights and Federalism, and the quicker we draw the lines, the better. It is a time when every man should take his position, and maintain a fixed stand in support of the principles of the Constitution and the government as understood and explained by their founders, or subscribe to a latitudinous idea that will in the end lead to a surrender of our rights and the subordination of our section to Black Republican and abolition aggression and outrage. The issue is before us, and we cannot escape from its consideration. We must either identify ourselves with the North or the South. The question of Union or Disunion is dead and buried. Dissolution has already taken place, and whether the people of Virginia can realize it or not, it is most certainly so. The only question is, where will Virginia go--with her sister States of the South on terms of perfect equality, where the Constitution, the laws and legislation, the feelings and affections, harmonize with her interests and institutions, or with the North, where every act discriminates against her, proscribes her as inferior, and where the sentiment of the people is hostile to her rights and the rights of her citizens? We beg the Democracy and all State Rights men, to remember these things, and come forward on Monday next to take a firm stand for the organization of the State Rights party in this District.
The Vindicator, March 22, 1861, p. 2, c. 3
Rev. Mr. Veitch, in the Conference, on Tuesday last, rose to a privilege question, for the purpose of denouncing as a falsehood the following statement from the Staunton Correspondent of the Baltimore American:
"The Methodists have the sympathy of other denominations here, but so great has the prejudice become against their supposed abolition tendency that the preacher in charge is supported almost entirely by the contributions of the colored people."
The preacher in charge of Staunton Station, Rev. J.R. Wheeler, is not only liberally supported by his congregation, but is universally beloved, both in and out of his Church, for his high character as a minister and gentleman. He preaches every Sabbath to a crowded church, composed of persons of nearly all religious persuasions, no one of whom has ever heard fall from his lips anything that could raise a suspicion of his loyalty to the institutions of the South. Indeed, there has never been a minister of any denomination who enjoyed a more unrestricted and implicit confidence from an intelligent public, than does the Rev. Mr. Wheeler from the people of Staunton. The only regret with his congregation is that they cannot have him stationed here for life. The writer of the above paragraph, from the American, is most egregiously ignorant, to say the least.
The Vindicator, March 29, 1861, p. 2, c. 3
On Saturday evening last, about ten o'clock, it having been ascertained that Judge Jno. W. Brockenbrough was at the Virginia Hotel, Turner's Cornet Band, at the request of a number of our citizens, complimented him with a serenade. In response, Judge B. made a few remarks on the condition of our country. Having but recently returned from Washington, he gave a succinct, yet interesting allusion to the efforts of the Peace Commissioners sent by Virginia (of whom he was one) to devise some means by which the Constitutional rights of the South might be more fully assured, and, as a consequence, the Union preserved. Those efforts having failed of all desirable issue, he saw no other course for Virginia to pursue with honor, than to immediately separate from the Northern States, the animus of whose every action is intense hostility to the institutions and equality of the South.
The short speech of Judge B., although entirely impromptu, was delivered with that ease and grace and beauty of diction peculiar to the distinguished gentleman. But few persons possess in a more eminent degree the power of presenting their thoughts in so perspicuous a manner as Judge B.--His effort on Saturday night was one of his happiest, evidencing that thorough culture of mind and concentration of thought which has made him one of the most profound jurists of the age.
The audience, numbering over two hundred of our citizens, received his remarks with manifestations of the highest gratification, evincing their hearty concurrence in the patriotic sentiments uttered, by frequent applause.
It was the first time we had ever heard the Judge other than on the Bench. A voice clear and harmonious, enunciation distinct and musical, and gestures appropriate and graceful, he combines the elements of the popular orator possessed by but few. Take the occasion altogether--the delightful music, the orator, and his interesting theme--we have seldom enjoyed a more agreeable and entertaining half hour.
The Vindicator, March 29, 1861, p. 2, c. 5
Mr. Bennett, one of the financial officers of the State, has already called for an increase of 20 cents in the one hundred dollars on the present rate of taxation. If the policy of the submissionists is adopted, and Virginia becomes a part of the Northern Confederacy, her negroes will be transported South. This will remove one source of revenue, and then the taxes on lands, &c., will be doubled! Think of it, farmers--"Submission," or what is called "Union," will drive four hundred millions of taxable property out of the State, and force your farms and stock to bear the increase of taxes consequent thereupon. Do not be deceived, people of Virginia! We must go with the South as against the North, and the sooner we take our position the better.
The Vindicator, March 29, 1861, p. 2, c. 6
Col. Baldwin has addressed the Convention, and as all his personal friends here anticipated, made a good speech--the best it is thought, on his side of the question. None who know him expected less. Our regret is that he occupies a position so temporising and indecisive--so ill judged and injurious. The great necessity of the crisis--a necessity from which there is no safe or honorable escape--is utterly ignored by him in the idle pursuit of an impracticable idea. The question is not "Union." That is irretrievably, hopelessly broken up. No compromise of right--no palliation of wrong, or denunciation of its resistance, can restore its fallen columns. Nor can past glory reconcile to a future of degradation. The only question is, where shall we go? With the North or the South? If with the North, what are we to do with our Negroes? Converted into pests and vampyres as they soon must be in such connexion, they will suck out the very lifeblood of the Commonwealth. And there will be no help for us. The North would gloat over our distresses, while the South, in self-defense, would be compelled to close her doors against us. The "irrepressible conflict" will then be upon us with all its horrors. Such must inevitably be our condition. And who will not say, give us war, give us anything, extermination itself, rather than such a consuming life of degradation and ruin.
Let us accept, then, at once, and without delay, the sad alternative thus forced upon us. Our Christian Churches are yielding to the necessity; and if bonds so sacred and endearing are rent by it, how vain is the hope that other ties, less hallowed, can hold us together in peace.
The Vindicator, March 29, 1861, p. 3, c. 2
Our Street Commissioners have gone to work, and are inaugurating our pavements. We thank them for their kindly consideration of the people. Let them not "weary in well doing."
The Vindicator, March 29, 1861, p. 3, c. 4
I will sell privately the LAGRANGE FARM containing 418 Acres, lying 3 miles West of Staunton. The Central Railroad runs through it. I will also sell
belonging to the heirs of Col. Jos. Tuley, dec'd.--A Women 33 years of age, who is a good Cook, Ironer and Washer, with a pleasant disposition; a Man 21 years of age, who is a No. one hand; the remainder are from 3 to 14 years old, all stout and well grown. The Negroes are healthy, robust and likely.
TERMS CASH, or a negotiable note at thirty days, well endorsed, with interest added. For the land, terms as usual.
Any one wishing to buy will apply soon, as I will leave for Clarke County in a few weeks.
JOS. T. MITCHELL
March 20, 1861