The Vindicator, May 4, 1860, p. 2, c. 2
Yesterday was a stormy and rather significant day in the Convention. For several days previous, a conflict of talent, tactics and endurance had been progressing between the Yancey extremists and fire-eaters--more properly disunionists--and the peculiar friends of Judge Douglas, relative to a Platform. Yesterday that contest was brought to a crisis by the defeat of the disunionists, and the adoption of the Cincinnati Platform. Before this was announced six of the Southern States--Alabama, South Carolina, (in part,) Arkansas, (in part,) Louisiana, (in part,) Texas and Florida, retired from the Convention.
The position of Virginia, as always heretofore, is looked to with interest by the other Middle slave-holding States, and her action will doubtless have a conservative influence with the discordant elements of the Convention. Alabama, with Yancey as the leader, came here pledged to a certain course, with arrogant demands for certain concessions, the refusal of which was predetermined by her to be cause sufficient for retiring. The demands were inexpedient and impolite, looking more to a sectional triumph than to the formation of a basis of national fraternization. Being pledged, as she was, then, to this extreme demand, and occupying no grounds upon which she could be approached, or from which she could recede with honor or self-respect, it was a matter of regret, as well as protest, on the part of the delegates from the Tenth Legion District, and R. H. Glass and James Barbour, that Virginia should, by tangible action, encourage and nurse the refractory and obstinate little State, and her deluded followers. This was done, however, under the ill-advised, ill-digested and suicidal counsels of Mr. Brannon from Lewis county; who made a motion, through the State delegation, to appoint a committee of one to meet the disunion States. The whole game was to tie the Middle slaveholding States--and especially Virginia--to the tail of Alabama, (!) and thus backed, for Alabama to take the bit in her mouth. The short-sightedness of Mr. Hunter's peculiar guardians in the Virginia delegation, entrapped them completely, and placed them in the humiliating position of shifting their position, and exhibiting inconsistencies most glaring, and vastly damaging to Mr. Hunter. This whole movement was bitterly opposed in caucus by both the delegates from 11th District, and Mr. Glass, of Lynchburg. But numbers prevailed. Had the Convention proceeded to the nomination of candidates for President and Vice President, at first, instead of the formation of a platform, as was the wish and policy of your delegates, Mr. Hunter, ere this, would have been the nominee. Those, however, who claimed the direction of his interests, deemed that course unwise and have thus destroyed all hope of his success. Douglas has a majority in the Convention now determined either to give the nomination, or take it.--They have power to indicate the men, if it is impossible to nominate Douglas.
The ostensible cause of the difference between the members from the different sections of the country, is mythical and speculative. It is strange, too, that heretofore, differences of opinion upon the territorial question, as well as others of far greater magnitude, have been tolerated, but that at this time a straight-laced demand must be made for the concession of an abstract idea, the granting of which can be of no possible good to us, but of certain political death to our Northern friends. It would not be worth the paper upon which it was written to declare the doctrine by this Convention of Congressional intervention. No Congress would ever attempt to interfere in the domestic affairs of a Territory for the protection of the rights of the South. But it is a possible case, if the right so to do is declared, that it may be exercised by an unfriendly Congress greatly to the detriment of our interests. Let the question rest undisturbed and our Northern friends will be able to carry the elections in the Northern and North-western States, and thus place votes in Congress for our protection, instead of having abstract notions written down on paper. This is the census year. The Legislatures must be elected, which will re-district the States, and if the Black Republicans secure the Legislatures, it is hardly reasonable to suppose that a Democratic District will remain in the whole North-west. Then, would it not be better to leave abstractions alone, by which we will defeat the Northern Democracy, than to insist upon a theoretical and speculative idea that can bring us no practical benefit?
It has really been a source of humiliation to Virginians to witness the scene of Virginia being led by Alabama, and this too through the instrumentality of a few men who claim to be par excellence the friends of her favorite son, R. M. T. Hunter. This gentleman might well exclaim, "save me from my friends." Those delegates who have been the substantial friends of Mr. Hunter, and whose policy, if it had been adopted, would have eventuated in his nomination, are James Barbour, of Culpepper--the ablest of Virginia's young men--R. H. Glass, the talented editor of the Lynchburg Republican, and the delegates from 11th Electoral District. These gentlemen have stood firm to the declared policy of the Virginia Democracy, while others have loaned themselves to the extremist suggestions and actions, thus co- operating with those who have brought upon us the present distracted and unhappy state of affairs here. They will have to meet their constituents, for the people of Virginia have never, and will never, until better cause is given than now, resort to any fanatical steps to disturb the Harmony of the Union, or distract the Democratic organization. The People, I am satisfied, of the old Tenth Legion, will stand firm to the Democratic Flag, keep untarnished its folds, and give a hearty support to the nominations which may be made by the National Democratic Convention at Charleston.
It is the purpose of your delegates to remain in the Convention as long as it is in session, and vote the sentiments of their constituents. That will be the position of others--a majority of the delegation,--let the result and the consequences be what they may. It is gratifying to us to find that after running out after strange gods, the whole delegation had to come back to our position, and vote for the Cincinnati Platform, thus vindicating the course of your delegates, and Messrs. Glass and Barbour, and the wisdom of their policy. It is strange to see the lick spittles and pimps of the present administration, such as Bright and Bigler--coalescing with Yancey and his leigeman. Can these men have a truer regard for the interests of the South, than Virginians themselves? In short, the essence of the whole of this disturbance and rebellion is opposition to Judge Douglas. Bigler, Bright, and Shedell are here, scheming and plotting for the defeat of Douglas, and nothing, however dishonorable and humiliating to the sense of gentlemen, is left undone to effect that end. Were Douglas out of the way, they would not care for a platform; nor would they much care as to the man placed upon it. It is war upon Douglas.
I will take pleasure, hereafter, in ventilating the action of some of the Virginia delegation, who have both injured Mr. Hunter, and misrepresented the State. The time has come for better men to take the place of a few tricksters, and by this means, restore the old Commonwealth to her true position in the family of States.
The seceding States organized a separate Convention last night; and invited Fernando Wood, of New York, to participate. It is said this morning, that Davis of Miss., and Bright, of Ind., will be nominated by them. I still think, however, that they will come back to the original Convention, and participate in its proceedings. Of this, however, you will be informed, by telegraph, before this reaches you.
It is impossible at this writing to predict when we will get away from Charleston.
S. M. Y.
The Vindicator, May 11, 1860, p. 2, c. 4
Our readers are aware that the Democratic National Convention, which convened in Charleston on the 23d of April, adjourned on the 3d of May, without making nominations, to meet in Baltimore on the 18th of June next. The policy of this action, after the secession of several of the Southern States, cannot reasonably be questioned. It was possible, and even probable, Judge Douglas could have been nominated in a few more ballots, notwithstanding the arbitrary and unjustifiable ruling of the President of the Convention relative to the two thirds vote; but vacancies existing in several of the States, it was deemed advisable to adjourn, and thus afford the non-represented States the opportunity of appointing delegates. Had the Convention proceeded to the nominations, a potent lever would thus have been placed in the hands of the Opposition to attack the nationality of the Democratic party, and it might also have engendered bad feeling with the national men of the seceding States, who are anxious to be represented at Baltimore, and thus redeem their section from the taint of disunion and rebellion which might otherwise rest upon it. The seceding delegations clearly misrepresented the great mass of the unsuspecting people of their States, who, being aroused by the action of the agitators who nestle in their bosom, and have betrayed them, will rush gladly to the work of asserting their nationality, and attest their devotion to the Union by sending delegates to the Baltimore Convention, to fill the vacancies which have been created.
The disruption and secession at Charleston, occasioned by the action mainly of Alabama, was preconcerted, and not unexpected. The arch-agitator in the programme, W. L. Yancey, has directed all his thoughts and energies to bringing about a dissolution of the Union for the last 20 years. In 1848 he seceded from the Democratic Convention which nominated Gen. Cass. In 1858 he attempted to establish what he termed a "Southern League," the object of which was to "precipitate the cotton States into a revolution." The mask was effectually torn from him in this effort, by Roger A. Pryor, and the insidious attack upon the Union exposed. The plot and its author fell stillborn, and Mr. Yancey was heard nothing more of until he succeeded in getting into the Charleston Convention, the importance and respectability of which position enabled him to accomplish that which he had heretofore failed in accomplishing--the apparent disruption of the Democratic party. He and his followers went into that Convention for no other purpose. The resolutions adopted previously by them, and the arrogant and insolent demands made, precluded all possibility of harmony and unity.
They went out. They are out, and we hope and trust will ever remain out. We look upon such men as no better than Northern fanatics. They care not for the Union. They would tear down the temple of liberty itself to accomplish the ends of selfish ambition, and erect upon the ruins of our common country, "a Southern Confederacy!" It is for this they aim, and not intrinsically for an empty abstraction. What care they for the rights of the South, practically, in the Territories? When Missouri was bleeding at every pore--lavishing her money by the million in the practical assertion of Southern rights in Kansas, where then were these seceding States--these extreme friends of the slavery interest? Not one dollar did their Legislatures appropriate--not one company of men did they organize to help Missouri in her struggle for their rights. They were themselves secure for their rights. They were themselves secure from invasion and loss, with more territory than they could ever find negroes to populate, and hence permitted the hardy and gallant citizens of Missouri to spend their means and spill their blood, without a particle of aid from them. But now, when no rights are to be invaded, when no interests of the South are in fact suffering, these Gulf States are ready to rend the Union in twain, if Congressional intervention is not incorporated into the Democratic platform, when the doctrine of non-intervention has been proclaimed and adopted by the Democratic party a thousand times; and Judge Douglas is not defeated for the Presidential nomination, when Missouri, who has suffered more than all the slave-holding States in the Union, stands firmly for him! This is the consistency of these States. They skulk the issue when it comes to practice, and rant and rave when there is nothing at stake.
The Democratic party, this day, is stronger than it has ever been. The secession of this element of discontent from their ranks, will arouse the reflecting men both in the North and the South, and the party being relieved of the disunion faction, which heretofore, has been ambitious of mischief through the instrumentality of the Democratic organization, the conservative sentiment of the country will come to its support, and waft into power the man who may be put forward by the Baltimore Convention of June next.--The people are for the Union. They see the difficulties that stare us in the face, and they will determine, in the majesty of their might, to remove them. We are glad the Charleston Convention terminated as it did. The disunionists of South Carolina, who hissed down conservative speakers, and shouted hosannas to a "Southern Confederacy," will not disturb the harmony of the proceedings of the June Convention. The honest sentiment of the country will have a free channel of issue, and from the centre of the Union will go forth to every extreme a conservative doctrine, awakening a kindred feeling in every State until, factions and fanatics shall hang their diminished heads, and sink into oblivion.
The Vindicator, May 11, 1860, p. 2, c. 5
A young man named Moyers was committed to the jail of this County on the 8th inst., charged with sodomy, or crime against nature, by association with a horse.
The Vindicator, May 11, 1860, p. 2, c. 6
Our friend Brown of the American Hotel, with his accustomed energy, surprised his dinner table and those who sat at it, on Thursday, with a handsome display of fresh Strawberries. This dilicious delicacy will be served up frequently at our Hotels now that we can get them from Richmond in eight hours.
The Vindicator, May 11, 1860, p. 2 , c. 5
The Spectator of the 8th closes a very moderate and sensible article on the Charleston Convention, with the following paragraph:
"With such an irreconcilable difference of opinion, the question arises whether there is no way of getting rid of the difficulty, or whether the peace of the country and the Union itself must be sacrificed to abstract theories. The only way we know of is to agree to disagree upon questions of really no practical importance. If let alone, the question of slavery in the Territories will settle itself to the satisfaction of all reasonable and patriotic men in both sections of the Republic."
That a difference of opinion has always existed among the great men of the country in regard to the power of Congress in the Territories, is a well known fact to every reading man. This difference has not only existed among members of the same party, but has been tolerated without impairing their political influence, or compromising their party fealty. In 1847 and 1848, when the agitation growing out of this very question shook our government to its centre, Senator Clayton offered his celebrated compromise, which, acknowledging the existence of a difference of opinion, referred the whole matter to the Supreme Court of the United States, whose decisions in any case involving the question were to be final and binding. This idea was incorporated into the Compromise of 1860 [sic: s.b. 1850], which compromise was endorsed by both the great parties of the Country in 1852--reindorsed by the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill in 1854; and again re-affirmed by the Democratic party at Cincinnati in 1856. All of the leading Statesmen of the present day are committed to this solution of the difficulty--are bound as honorable men to stand by these several compromises, and observe in good faith the spirit and point they declare.
Up to 1857 the mere doctrine had been agreed upon that the adjudication of the Supreme Court was to be the peaceful arbiter between conflicting opinions, whose rulings were to be received as a settlement. The popular mind lay calmly reposed in this belief, although no case had been presented for adjudication by which the law was to be established. The Kansas-Nebraska bill especially provides for appeal from the decisions of the inferior and Superior Courts of the Territories, to the Supreme Court of the United States, not limiting at all, the amount in controversy, where slave property is involved. In l857 the question was brought to a practical test in the Dred Scott case. The Supreme Court ruled that the Territorial Legislature was merely the agent of Congress, and consequently could exercise no powers which Congress could not confer. Congress not having the power to prohibit or establish Slavery, it followed that such power did not vest in its creature, the Territorial Legislature. It is true, the opinion express by the Court is charged to be extra judicial. This may be so, and yet not impair the binding form of the opinion in a moral sense, for who doubts for a moment that the opinion of the Supreme Court deliberately given will not be its decision when the case arises.
Thus it is not clear that this whole subject matter of controversy has been referred by the legislation and compromises of the country, to which the common consent of the people has again and again been given to the Court? Then why should this vexed question be again opened? The declaration of the abstract right of the South to the protection of its property in the Territories can be of no possible practical good at this time, but which we are sure if insisted upon must result in the defeat of the Democratic party, and the rending asunder of this Union of States. No patriot, no true Democrat, who values the existent of our free government, can Lend his aid and counsel to the encouragement of an agitation fraught with so many fearful disasters. The North and the South have been educated to think differently, each honest in their convictions. That difference has been a subject of legislative compromise and judicial reference, a faithful regard to which cannot fail to be a peaceful and honorable solution of the difficulty. Let then the honest masses, the uncorrupted and incorruptible yeomanry come forth and rally around the compromises, the honor and the flag of their country, and in the exercise of an indisputable and irresistible majesty, crush out fanaticism both North and South. The time has come for the people to act, and not the politicians--the people, whose firesides and homes, whose domestic peace and tranquillity and national honor are in jeopardy, to rise up and rebuke rebellion and disunion. The great heart of the country is for the preservation of the Union--the great heart of the patriots of the South beats responsively to the noble defenders of the constitution at the North who are grappling hand to hand every day with Black Republicanism, and we will not forsake them now that our aid may strengthen them to strike the decisive blow which will break down the enemies of the country and yet more firmly establish our free system of government. Let immaterial and abstract issues be thrown to the winds, that we may address ourselves to the great practical work of preserving this Union, by sacredly regarding the compromise upon which it is based. It is no time for members of the great Democratic party, who have at heart the perpetuity of our government, to be solicitous about personal favorites for this or that station. The standard of revolt has been raised, the "three cheers for the Southern Confederacy" given. Let the infamous sentiment and yet more daring action be repudiated and rebuked, that the Star-spangled banner may continue to wave over the land of the free and the home of the brave.
The Vindicator, May 18, 1860, p. 1, c. 3
The re-production of the notorious "Scarlet Letter" in our columns yesterday, is producing a profound sensation here in sober-minded circles. Its appearance has furnished a key to the unsuspecting, of the attempt at Charleston to demoralize the integrity of the Democracy. The disaffection of Alabama, as represented by Mr. Yancey and Mr. Walker, was assuredly premeditated, if it was not studiously pre-arranged. The delegates seem to have gone to the convention for no other purpose than to sow the seeds of dissension in an heretofore harmonious body. This is manifest, as will be seen by the extract below from a letter written by the latter to a brother of Senator Clay, on the 7th of June, 1859, in answer to the three following questions:
"1st. Is it the duty of Congress to intervene for the protection of slavery in the United States?
"2nd. Are you in favor of a repeal of the laws of Congress, which declares the foreign slave trade to be . . . [text missing]?
"3rd. What position should Southern Democracy assume in the Charleston Convention?"
In the concluding paragraphs of his letter, Mr. Walker says:
"In answer, first--we should insist upon adopting a platform before making the nominations. 2nd,--This platform must embody the first of the foregoing propositions, and should embrace, in principle, the second, also--3d,--If the first of these propositions--viz: protection of slavery in the territories, is not adopted, the South should withdraw from the convention, and make its own nominations, and enunciate a platform of principles consistent with the dignity of sovereign States and the great right of self-protection. In adopting this course, we must expect defections from our own ranks. Old Saturn himself never devoured his offsprings with more faculty and apparent relish, than do some men of their opinions and professions, for the sake of the emoluments and honors of office; forgetting that, in after life, the recollections of their treachery will remain only like demons upon that memory, to taunt them with the cost at which they purchased them. But our ranks will be reinforced by the good men and true of what is now called the 'Opposition.' And I, for one, will hail them as brothers, whatever may have been their antecedents. When the South is beleaguered by enemies, at home as well as abroad, let us remember the Christian precept, "Ephraim shall not envy Judah, and Judah shall not vex Ephraim."
"We have a mission to fulfil, 'ennobled by its danger, and purified by its isolation,' and we may well afford to cultivate that Corinthian spirit in which each one is allowed to have a doctrine, or an interpretation of his own, upon questions and issues having no present importance, but long since buried in the Past.
With this spirit, let the crisis come!
Be bold, united, firmly set,
Nor flinch in word or tone;
We'll be a glorious people yet--
Redeemed--erect--alone!
I am, very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
L. P. WALKER.
J. WITHERS CLAY, Esq."
It must be borne in mind that Mr. Walker, the ardent coadjutor and collaborator of Mr. Yancey, was the chairman of the Alabama delegation--the first delegation that ever seceded from a Democratic convention.
Is Delaware, or Maryland, or Virginia, or North Carolina, or Tennessee, or Kentucky, or Missouri, or Arkansas, or Texas, or Louisiana, or Mississippi, or Florida, or Georgia, or South Carolina, or even a considerable portion of the citizens of Alabama, prepared to coalesce with such wild disorganizing spirits? No, a thousand times no; we will undertake to say will be the prompt and definite answer of each. Let them stand resolutely shoulder to shoulder in the irrepressible conflict which is to be determined in November, and, if Sewardism shall be triumphant, there will then be an inseverable bond of union between the Democracy of the North and the South sufficiently strong to efficiently protect the latter against Abolition aggressions. The patriotic men of the slaveholding States desire nothing more than this. Factionists cannot persuade or frighten them into a change of this true policy.--Washington States.
The Vindicator, May 18, 1860, p. 2, c. 6
Our city has been enlivened during the week by the presence and military training of the officers of the different volunteer and militia companies in the county, under the direction of Col. J. W. Massie, of Rockbridge. A finer looking corps of officers we have never seen. The General Muster of the 160th Regiment took place at Spring Hill on yesterday. The 32d will parade at Fisherville to-day; and the 93rd at Middlebrook to-morrow.
On Wednesday evening the ceremony of presenting a sword to Capt. Wm. S. H. Baylor, by his company, the West Augusta Guard, and a banner to the Staunton Artillery, by the ladies of Staunton, took place in front of the American Hotel. Both companies made their appearance in full uniform and numbers, and truly the exhibition was handsome. Not in Virginia is there a military organization that surpasses in soldierly appearance, perfect discipline, and intrinsic and substantial worth, the military organizations of Augusta County. Col. Massie addressed the officers present in a patriotic strain for a few moments, after which the presentation of a beautiful Damascus steel sword to Capt. W. S. H. Baylor, was made on the part of the West Augusta Guard, by Lieut. James Bumgardner, in a [word missing] and beautiful address, and received by Capt. Baylor in a few eloquent and appropriate remarks. The scabbard bears the inscription--"A token of affection and confidence from the West Augusta Guard to their Commander, Capt. Wm. S. H. Baylor, May, 1860." The blade is inscribed with the sentences--"The Citizen Soldier." "Vel [word missing], vel bello, clarum fieri licet." There are various devices on the scabbard, beautifully arranged, which contribute in making it a most becoming and complimentary testimonial of a brave soldiery to a brilliant, chivalrous, intelligent, and competent commander. Capt. Baylor's company is sincerely attached to him both in the capacity of citizen and soldier, and justly so, for he merits the confidence and esteem of his sterling company.
After the sword presentation, Gen. Wm. H. Harman, on behalf of the ladies of Staunton, presented an elegant Banner, wrought by their hands, to the Staunton Artillery, in a strain of unaffected eloquence and feeling, which was received by Capt. John D. Imboden, in the name of his company, in a speech inspiring in historical incident, that excited a genuine glow of patriotism in every heart. The banner is marked on one side with--"From the ladies of Staunton, May 16, 1860." "Nemo me impune lacessit." On the other--"Staunton Artillery, Organized Nov. 28, 1859." On the top of the stuff is a handsome bronzed eagle, with wings out- spread, indicating the onward tendency and destiny of the stars and stripes. Indeed, it was a most significant evidence of the patriotic impulses of the beautiful and accomplished ladies of our city, and a pleasing assurance that their "hearts must be easy, for they're in the right place." Could the patriotic daughter of the war of 1812, who bid even her fair-haired boy go, and never return until the polluting feet of Tarleton and his men had been driven from the soil of Augusta, have witnessed the smiling, beaming, bright, beautiful countenances of her sex as they glowed under the impulse of patriotic love on this occasion, she might have felt that the spirit that animated her still survived in the hearts of the fair daughters of West Augusta.
The concourse assembled to witness the ceremony was very large, consisted of men, women and children, and everything passed off most delightfully and harmoniously--the companies closing the exercises with three cheers and a tiger, a salute from the Artillery, and a parade through the principal streets of the city.
Although dating its organization much later than the Guard, the Artillery promises to equal it in the elegance of its uniform, the discipline of its officers, and the worth and high character of its men. Both companies are a credit and honor to the county, and distant be the day when the shall slacken in their spirit and enterprise, or diminish in their numbers.
The Vindicator, May 18, 1860, p. 2, c. 4
From the proceedings of the General Conference of the M.E. Church, on the 12th, now in session at Buffalo, N.Y., we take the following:
The report on the slavery question has been agreed upon, and it said they will report the following general rule:
Q--What shall be done for the extirpation of the evil of slavery.
A--We declare that [we] are as much as ever convinced of the great evil of slavery, and we believe that the buying, selling, or holding of human beings as chattels is contrary to the laws of God and nature, inconsistent with the Golden Rule and with that rule in our discipline which requires [illegible] desire to continue among [illegible] "do no harm" and to "avoid evil of every kind." We therefore affectionately admonish all our preachers and people to keep themselves pure from this great evil, and to seek its extirpation by all lawful and christian means.
This report is said to have received the sanction of thirty one of forty-seven members of the committee.
It is much to be regretted that any ecclesiastical body has so far departed from the legitimate sphere of its legislation, as to intrude itself into the political arena, and thus sectionalize and damage a great moral and religious enterprise. The Methodist Discipline assumes a postulate which, in our belief, is erroneous in ethic and unconstitutional in theory, when it brands slavery as an evil, and intimates that it can be "extirpated," in propounding the question, "what shall be done for the extirpation of the evil of slavery?" That slavery is purely a political question is sufficiently attested by the early legislation of the country, and its recognition as such in the Federal Constitutional itself. The separation of Church from State was a cardinal consideration with the founders and expounders of our system of government, and any legislation, either ecclesiastical or political, whose tendency is to fuse these two separate and distinct features of our free institutions, is clearly a contravention of the whole scope and spirit of our governmental organization. We think the denunciatory spirit of the Methodist Discipline, in pronouncing slavery an 'evil,' is a clear departure from the appointed province of the church, and destructive of the great moral end contemplated in the christian dispensation. So long as this declaration remains unrescinded, the religious sect that subscribes to it must necessarily be subjected to suspicions and criticism in Southern communities, inasmuch as it is an offensive assumption contradicted by the Apostles themselves, and belied by the usage and history of the country ever since its first settlement at Jamestown.
The true policy of the Methodist Church, as we conceive, is to erase this offensive clause in their Discipline, and instead of declaring slavery to be an "evil" calling for "extirpation," substitute the crowning doctrine and philosophy of all orthodox creeds, that Christ died for the salvation of sinners, and that the application of his blood is sufficiently efficacious to "extirpate" all evils from the human heart, and enlighten the human understanding both to discern and correct the "evils" to which flesh is heir. Instead of a crusade against the institution of slavery, let there be a siege of the kingdom of Satan; and an honest effort to propagate the great truths of the Bible, instead of sowing broad cast the seeds of dissension, heart-burnings, jealousy, anti-Christ, and the doctrine of abolition fanaticism.
The Vindicator, May 18, 1860, p. 2 , c. 4
At the recent election of officers for the Staunton Fire Company, the following were chosen: Jas H. Caters, Captain; John M. Hardy, 1st Lieut; Owen Keefe, 1st Eng.; John Beck, 2nd Eng; Paul Scherer, 3rd Eng.; John Peer, 4th Eng.; Jacob Pellitz, Secretary; George F. Elick, Treasury; John H. Hilbert, 1st H. D.
There are now about one hundred members of this company. It is one of the most essential organizations of the city, and cannot be too kindly fostered and supported. There are a number of subscriptions due to it from our citizens, which the Secretary is desirous shall be paid in immediately.
The Vindicator, May 25, 1860, p. 1, c. 3
Each head of a family will prepare and leave at his residence, a statement in conformity to the following enquiries, that the Marshal may not be detained when he calls for it, to wit: State the name and sex of each member of the family, commencing with the names of the parents, giving the respective ages of all, including the ages of the parents; the names of those that died, if any, within twelve months next before the 1st day of June, 1860; probable cause of such death and duration of illness; names of such as are idiotic and whether so from birth or casualty; and if from casualty, state its character; names of such as are deranged, and duration of such derangement; names of such as are deaf and dumb and blind, and whether so from birth or casualty; and if from casualty, state its character; be particular in answering to separate the white from the colored in each of every family; and state where colored, whether black or mulatto, and slaver or free; how many of each family of whites cannot read or write; state the number of acres contained in each; state the number of horses, oxen, cows, sheep, goats, hogs, &c., raised within twelve months next before the 1st day of June, (1860); the number of pounds of hay or fodder, and value, and how much of each marketed; the number of pounds of wool, hemp, flax, &c., and how much marketed, and how much manufactured, and whether for home use or for market, and the value marketed; the kind and value of each building on each farm or lot, and cash value; the number of pounds of butter and cheese, and how much and value of each, marketed; the rates of wages paid per day to day laborers, or by the week, month, or year, on farms; the rates of wages in each of other pursuits, and the value of materials used by all artists, including machines of every character whatsoever; the proceeds of all work disposed of; the value of all materials used in any of the professions, including extent and value of libraries; the number of volumes contained in each private library; the name of each school, number of pupils in each, rate of tuition fee, board, &c., and amount of proceeds; the number of teachers in each, their names, ages, and the branches taught by each; whether a male or female school, academy, &c., or both combined, and probable average number in each during the year since the 1st day of June last; the name of each store, grocery, or trading house, the name of the owner or owners, and whether as joint owners or co- partners, and number of clerks employed and salaries; the amount of capital employed, and probable amount of sales since the first day of June last, (1860); the name of furnaces, forges, &c., and the names of owners, and whether owned individually or in co-partnership; amount of capital employed, value and kind of fuel and other materials used; number of hands, separating white from black, and slave from free negro, employed, and amount of wages paid each; the names of all minerals and metals found on each farm or landed estate, including mineral and medicinal waters; under what name known, used or worked; and probable number of visitors at each improved watering-place, hands employed, rate of wages, &c. number of paupers supported by the county, or by partial appropriation from county deposition, ages, sex and color; number of children educated at public expense, and amount expended in this way by each School Commissioner and number of his district; the name of each Sheriff and Deputy Sheriff, and Constable, Coroner and Overseer of the Poor, and the name and parish of each of the latter; indeed, without further detail, every branch and kind of industry, as well as every branch and kind of disease, and bodily and mental infirmity, forming the entire character and history of the county, including the number of miles of . . . [word missing] . . . roads, railroads, churches, names of each, as well as the names of sects worshipping in the churches, including all and every denomination whatsoever; &c., &c., &. ; name and number of papers, amount of circulation, value of all materials used, and whether whig, democratic, religious or agricultural, &., &c.; quantity of sugar and molasses made, and probable value; how much for home consumption, and how much sold, and the price at which sold; and whether from the sugar maple, or cane, known as sorgum, &c., &c.; mills of every description, the amount of materials used, ground, &c., in each; quantity of manufacture turned out thereby, and put in market, and proceeds of sale, &c., &c. Be pleased to prepare each statement on the first day of June next, (1860) as the census taker will have but a short time to obtain the statistics in. Be particular in stating the place of birth of each individual, country, State and county or parish; and the last birth-day of each; and value of all personal property, as well as value of real estate owned by each; the exact amount of tax paid by each the last year, ending 1st of June, 1860; the time of death of each person dying within the last year, ending the 1st of June, 1860, and cause and duration of sickness. Be particular in giving true statistics of every species of property, names of whites, names of free colored, and number and ages of all slaves; and age, and time of each death among slaves and free-persons of color, within said year; and where there are widows among whites so state; who their guardians, amount of their estates, and in what condition; amount of all monies of all persons invested in stocks, &c., &c., &c. Each citizen, as well property-holder as others, should take a deep interest in the expediting of the work.
The Vindicator, May 25, 1860, p. 2 , c. 5
The Chicago Convention brought its labors to a close on the 18th inst., by the nomination of Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, as their candidate for the Presidency, and Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, as the candidate for Vice President. The first ballot stood: Seward 178, Lincoln 102, Bates 51, Cameron 50, McLean 12, Wade S. Dayton 14. There being no choice, a second ballot was had, as follows: Steward 184 1/2; Lincoln 181 1/2 - scattering 38. Whole number of votes 404; necessary to a choice 203. The third ballot was then had, and a general stampede of all the forces opposed to Seward took place in favor of Lincoln. It resulted, Lincoln 228; Seward 181. Lincoln was therefore declared the nominee. The result is said to have been brought about by the Pennsylvania friends of Cameron. Seward's friends were much disappointed, and received the result with ill-concealed disgust. Those opposed to Seward manifested the wildest enthusiasm at the announcement, and Chicago, a few moments afterwards, was the scene of one continued outburst of gladness and delight. Cannons were fired, bonfires lighted up and every demonstration of excessive joy given.
Hannibal Hamlin, now U. S. Senator from Maine, was then nominated for Vice President, on the second ballot, his principal competitor being Cassius M. Clay, of Ky.
Mr. Lincoln is a Kentuckian by birth. He formerly acted with the old Whig party, but upon its dissolution, became identified with the Black Republicans. In 1858 he was chosen by that party as the opponent of Judge Douglas for the Senate. After one of the most exciting and embittered contests ever waged in this country, the friends of Mr. Douglas succeeded in securing the election of a majority of the Legislature, and he was chosen U. S. Senator.
Mr. Hamlin up to 1854 acted with the Democratic party, but left that organization on the Kansas-Nebraska question--he opposing the repeal of the Missouri Compromise line. Since that time he has been fully associated with the Black Republican party.
Taking this ticket in all its bearings we conceive it to be not only plausible, but very formidable. Mr. Lincoln is a man of remarkable personal popularity, and could not have been defeated in 1858 in Illinois by any other man than Judge Douglas. His popularity extends throughout all the Northwestern States, and unless the Baltimore Convention nominates Judge Douglas, the sixty-six electoral votes of the Northwest will doubtless be cast for Mr. Lincoln. As the condition of parties now stands, there is no hope for the Democracy, save in the nomination of Judge Douglas. This we conceive to be an evident fact. There is no use in trying to conceal it. People may talk about one man saving the party, and hoot at the ideas as much as they please, but to our mind there is no man now living who can save the Democratic party at this time from defeat by the Black Republicans, but Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois. The plainer this matter is understood the better. We either have to nominate Douglas at Baltimore, or Abraham Lincoln will be the next President of the United States.
The Vindicator, May 25, 1860, p. 2 , c. 5
While the public spirit of our citizens is aroused, we think it opportune to suggest the expediency of forming an Insurance Company, both for life and property, in this county. A large amount is paid out of this county annually to Northern Corporations for the insurance of life and property, which could just as well be retained among us. We merely throw out the suggestion at this time for the consideration of our business men, with the promise, hereafter to notice the idea more fully. Cannot the people of Augusta organize an Insurance Company?
The Vindicator, May 25, 1860, p. 2 , c. 6
The Messrs. Cease have fixed up very handsomely an Ice Cream Saloon, immediately over their Confection Store. Ladies and Gentlemen will find their room an agreeable resort in the evenings and during the day to partake of Cream and Cake.
J. B. Antonio also has elegantly arranged his Saloon, and has also on hand the nicest article of Cream and Cake.
The Vindicator, May 25, 1860, p. 2 , c. 6
Election day was signalized by the usual number of fights, drunken men, committals to jail, &c. It was quite a busy day.
Two gentlemen took offense at each other, retired to a selected spot, pulled off their coats, one knocked the other down six times, and then they walked off and took a drink together. This was all done in a quiet way, there being but one person present, and not five words passed between them.