The Spectator, December 6, 1859, p. 2, c. 1
Meeting were held at various places in the North, on Friday, to express sympathy for John Brown. The meeting in Philadelphia was rather stormy. Speeches were made by Lucretia Mott, Dr. Furness and others, during which there were strong demonstrations of displeasure on the part of a portion of the audience with the sentiments uttered. The disorder culminated during the address of a colored preacher. Cheers for Virginia, for the United States, and for Gov. Wise were called for and given with a will, and groans for John Brown followed for a considerable time.
Several meetings of sympathizers were also held in New York. The meetings very generally expressed sympathy with Brown--hoped that his death would be the means of breaking down slavery--congratulation at his readiness to die for liberty, and an emphatic endorsement of the doctrine that "the blood of martyrs is the seed of the church." At Dr. Cheever's church there was a fair attendance, though many of the audience were attracted by curiosity, rather than by any hearty confidence in the occasion and its claims.
At Boston Brown's execution attracted considerable crowds about the newspaper offices as the evening editions were issued, and several individuals promenaded the streets with crape attached to their persons. Religious services were held in several of the colored churches the most part of the day. Otherwise there were no manifestations unusual to everyday life in the city. Tremont Temple was crowded at night to commemorate the hanging, and speeches were made by Garrison, Pierpont and others.
The church bells were toiled at Worcester, Massachusetts, from 10 o'clock to 12. In the evening a great meeting was held in Mechanic's Hall, which was addressed by prominent gentlemen of the city, clergymen and others. It was the largest meeting that has been held in a long time. Three thousand persons were in the hall. At the close a collection was taken up for Brown's family, which was very successful.
At Manchester, New Hampshire, the sympathizers met with very little sympathy. An attempt was made to toll the obsequies of Old Brown from the City Hall bell. It had struck four or five times when Mayor Horrington appeared among the sympathizers in the belfry, and ordered them to desist. One of them refused, when the mayor dropped him through the scuttle by the most convenient mode, and the bell didn't ring any more.
At Providence, R. I., the sympathizers held a large meeting, at which speeches were made, &c. The feeling of the larger part of the community, it is said, was strongly against the meeting.
At Syracuse, N. Y., the City Hall was densely packed with citizens Friday evening, who listened for over three hours to speeches expressing sympathy for John Brown and his family. The City Hall bell was tolled 63 times, the strokes corresponding with Brown's age. The sympathy for Brown and his family is very strong here.
A meeting of over five thousand people was held at Cleveland, Ohio, Friday night, and many speeches were let off. Strong resolutions were adopted. The hall was dressed in mourning
The Spectator, December 6, 1859, p. 2, c. 1
We have never entertained a doubt that the condition of the Southern slaves is the best and most desirable for the negroes, as a class, that they have ever been found in or are capable of. There is abundant evidence to prove that the black man's lot as a slave, is vastly preferable to that of his free brethren at the North. A Boston paper of recent date tells of a likely negro man, twenty-eight years old, who purchased his freedom in Virginia and removed to Boston.--He is sober, industrious and willing to work, but instead of meeting with sympathy from the Abolitionists, he had been deceived, cheated and driven from their presence. The writer describes him as bemoaning his hard lot, weeping like a child, lamenting that he had ever left his former master, and declaring that if he had the means he would gladly return to the old Virginia plantation. And this, we have reason to believe, is not an isolated case, but the experience of a large majority of emancipated slaves and run-away negroes in the Northern States.
But the most remarkable testimony on the subject, is borne by no less a personage than the notorious Henry Ward Beecher. In a recent sermon, Mr. Beecher says the free colored people at the North "are almost without education, with but little sympathy for ignorance." "They cannot even ride in the cars of our city railroads. They are snuffed at in the house of God, or tolerated with ill-disguised disgust." The negro cannot be employed as a stone mason, bricklayer, or carpenter. "There is scarcely a carpenter's shop in New York in which a journeyman would continue to work if a black man was employed in it." There is scarcely one of the common industries of life in which he can engage. "He is crowded down, down, down, through the most menial callings to the bottom of society." "We heap upon them," says Beecher, moral obloquy more atrocious than that which the master heaps upon the slave. And notwithstanding all this, we lift ourselves up to talk to the Southern people about the rights and liberties of the human soul, and especially the African soul."
Every word of this is no doubt true, and yet even Mr. Beecher is an gent of the "under ground railroad," actively engaged in fomenting dissatisfaction among slaves, and stealing them away from the section where they have protection and sympathy, only that they may become, in other regions, objects of atrocious moral obloquy. Such is the philanthropy of Abolitionism!
The intelligent, christian slave-holder at the South is the best friend of the negro. He does not regard his bonds-men as mere chattel property, but as human beings to whom he owes duties. While the Northern Pharisee will not permit a negro to ride on the city railroads, Southern gentlemen and ladies are seen every day, side by side, in cars and coaches, with their faithful servants. Here the honest black man is not only protected by the laws and public sentiment, but he is respected by the community as truly as if his skin were white. Here there are ties of genuine friendship and affection between whites and blacks, leading to an interchange of all the comities of life. The slave nurses his master in sickness, and sheds tears of genuine sorrow at his grave. When sick himself, or overtaken by the infirmity of age, he is kindly cared for, and when he dies the whites grieve, not for the loss of so much property, but for the death of a member of the family.--This is the relation which slaves generally, and domestic servants universally, sustain to their white masters.
There is a vast deal of foolish talk about the delights of freedom and the hardships of slavery. In one sense no one, white or black, is free in this world. The master orders his slave to work in a certain field, when he perhaps would prefer to go elsewhere--this is slavery. But is the master free to do as he pleases! Not so.--He is driven by as stern a necessity to labor with his hands or confine himself to business, as the slave ever feels. We are all therefore slaves.--But when the man, whatever his complexion, recognizes the fact that his lot is ordained of God, and cheerfully acquiesces, he becomes a free man in the only true sense. He then chooses to do and to bear what otherwise might be irksome and intolerable.
The Spectator, December 6, 1859, p. 2, c. 2
The Charleston Mercury is extensively disgusted at the broad and pathetic farce that has been played off before the public about the hanging of that hoary villain, `Old Brown.'" The "marches and counter-marches of the ponies and cessation of ponies--Governor Wise, the energetic, and his troops," &c. &c., have stirred the bile of that journal to its lowest depths. This is certainly "the unkindest cut of all." But in the midst of its retching the Mercury finds consolidation in the growth of disunion sentiments in Virginia. It says:
"We are happy to perceive a decided change in the tone of the public press of Virginia, indicative, we trust, of a change also in her people. The Richmond Whig no longer advocates a union of Southern Whigs and Black Republicans to control the House of Representatives or win the Presidential election. The Richmond Examiner no longer urges that the South should be ignored in the Charleston Convention, and the Democratic party at the North be alone relied on to vindicate these rights, although they will not, or dare not, avow them. Hunter and Douglas do not make ugly faces from columns, in kaleidoscope harmony. Spoils and President-making, removed to an advantageous distance by the decided overthrow of the Democratic party throughout the Northern States, seem now subordinate to Southern safety and honor. The signs are cheering that Virginia will be herself again. The boast of one of her presses that `there are no disunionists in Virginia,' if true six months ago, we trust is now a thing of history, never again to be asserted, until the South is safe and free in the Union, or independent out of it."
Resolutions have been offered in the South Carolina House of Representatives looking to the establishment of a Southern Confederacy.
The Spectator, December 6, 1859, p. 2, c. 3
The following account of the last hours and execution of John Brown, was despatched from Charlestown, by telegraph, on Friday afternoon, the 2nd inst.
At an early hour the town was in more than usual stir, even for the stirring times that have fallen upon this neighborhood. Soon the movements of the military drew all the citizens of the place, and all others who had been able to gain admittance to the town, to the vicinity of the place assigned for the execution.
The prisoner was brought out of jail at eleven o'clock. Before leaving he bid adieu to all his fellow prisoners and was very affectionate to all except Cook. He charged Cook with having deceived and misled him in relation to the support he was to receive from the slaves. He said he was led by him to believe they were ripe for insurrection, but he had found that his representations were false. Cook denied the charge, and made but little reply to Brown. The prisoner then told the Sheriff he was ready, when his arms were pinioned, and he walked to the door apparently calm and cheerful. He wore a black slouched hat, and the same clothes worn during his trial. As he came out he was taken under guard of the military. Six companies of infantry and one troop of horse, with Gen. Talliaferro and his entire staff, were deployed in front of the jail.
At the door of the jail an open wagon with a pine box, in which was a fine oak coffin, was waiting for him. He looked around and spoke to several persons whom he recognised, and, walking down the steps, was assisted to enter the wagon and took his seat on the box containing his coffin along with Jailor Avis. He looked with interest on the fine military display, but made no remark. The wagon moved off as soon as he had taken his seat, flanked with two files of riflemen in close order.
On reaching the field the military had already full possession, and pickets were stationed at various points. The citizens were kept back at the point of the bayonet from taking any position except that assigned them--nearly a quarter of a mile from the scaffold. Through the determined persistence of Dr. Rawlings, of Frank Leslie's paper, the order excluding the press was partially rescinded, and the reporters were assigned a position near the General's Staff. The prisoner walked up the steps firmly and was the first man on the gallows. Jailor Avis and Sheriff Campbell stood by his side, and after shaking hands and bidding an affectionate adieu, he thanked them for their kindness. They then put the cap over his face and the rope around his neck. Mr. Avis asked him to step forward on the step. He replied, "you must lead me, as I cannot see."
The rope now being adjusted, the military order was given. The soldiers marched and counter-marched and took their position as if an enemy was in sight. Nearly ten minutes were thus occupied, the prisoner standing meanwhile, Mr. Avis inquired if he was not tired. Brown replied--"No, not tired; but don't keep me waiting longer than necessary." The arrangements of the military having been completed, at fifteen minutes past eleven the trap fell. A slight grasping of the hands and twitching of the muscles was visible, and then all was quiet. The body was several times examined and his pulse did not cease beating for 35 minutes. It was then cut down and placed in the coffin and conveyed under a military escort to the depot, and there put in a car to be conveyed to Harper's Ferry's by special train, at 4 o'clock.
The whole arrangements were carried out with a precision and military strictness that was most annoying. The general conviction is everywhere entertained that the rumors of the intended rescue were altogether an egregious hoax.
This morning Capt. Brown executed an instrument empowering Sheriff Campbell to administer on all property of his in this State, with directions to pay over the proceeds of the sale of his weapons, if received, to his widow and children.
Sheriff Campbell bid Brown farewell in the cell. He returned him thanks for his kindness.
Brown was then taken to the cell of the negroes, Copeland and Green. He told them to stand up like men and not betray their friends, then handed to each a quarter of a dollar, saying that he had no more use for money, and bid them good bye. They made no remark except to return his salutation. He next visited the cell in which Cook and Coppie were confined, chained together. To Cook he said, "you have made false statements."
Cook replied--"What do you mean?"
Brown--"Why, by stating that I sent you to Harper's Ferry."
Cook--"Did you not tell me in Pittsburg to come to Harper's Ferry and see if Forbes had made disclosures?"
Brown--"No sir. You know that I protested against your coming."
Cook closed the conversation by replying--"Captain Brown, we remember differently," at the same time dropping his head.
Brown then turned to Coppie and said:
"Coppie, you also have made false statements, but I am glad to hear you have contradicted them. Stand up like a man."
He then handed Coppie a quarter, shook him and Cook by the hand and left the cell.
He then returned to Stevens' cell and spoke kindly to him.
Stevens said--"Good bye, Captain; I know you are going to a better land."
Brown--"Yes, I know I am." He then counselled Stevens to firmness, warned him against betraying his friends, and closed by also presenting him with a quarter.
He did not visit Haslett's cell, having always persisted in denying any knowledge of him.
On his way to the scaffold, Mr. Sadler, the undertaker, who was in the wagon with him, remarked--
"Captain Brown, you are a game man."
Brown--"Yes, I was so trained up. It was one of the lessons of my mother. But it is hard to part from friends, even when newly made." Brown continued the conversation by remarking on the beauty of the country, which he said "he never had the pleasure of seeing before."--On reaching the gallows field, he said--"Why are none but the military allowed within the enclosure. I am sorry the citizens have been kept out." Observing Mr. Hunter and Mayor Green standing by, he said to them--"Gentlemen, good bye," his voice not faltering in the least.
Whilst on the scaffold Sheriff Campbell asked him if he would take a handerkerchief in his hand and drop it as a signal when he was ready.--Brown replied. "No, I do not want it. But do not detain me longer than is actually necessary."
It is understood that a portion of each of the military companies now assembled here are to have leave of absence, but that all are to return and be present at the execution of the other prisoners on the 16th.
A despatch from Harper's Ferry, dated 10 o'clock, P. M., Friday night, says: The remains of Brown arrived here in a special train at 9 o'clock, and will be taken on by Mrs. Brown and her friends, by express direct to Albany, New York. It is their desire to avoid all public demonstration, and it is determined that the body shall not be visible anywhere on the route to North Elba, New York, where it will be interred in the family burying ground. Mrs. Brown acknowledges very warmly the courtesy and kind treatment extended to her by the citizens and authorities of Virginia.
The Spectator, December 6, 1859, p. 2, c. 4
At a called meeting of the State Opposition Committee, held in their room in the Whig building, the night of 28th November, 1859, the following proceedings were had.
Whereas, the State Central Committee of the Opposition party of Virginia have recommended that a State Convention be held in the city of Richmond, on the 14th day of December next, for the purpose of suggesting to the country at large some basis on which Union loving men of all sections might combine, to form a constitutional, national and conservative party, to secure the rights and to preserve the Union of the States, and to supersede the party now in power: And, whereas, the recent invasion of our State at Harper's Ferry, and other hostile demonstrations have produced a state of feeling, which, if not incompatible with, at least endangers, a calm and reflective survey of the difficulties and embarrassments which now disturb the peace and harmony of the country; trusting that the lapse of a short period of time may bring forth a distinct demonstration of a sounder and more conservative sentiment--desiring to use all honorable means to tranquilize the disturbances which now so unhappily threaten the general weal and public welfare--and ardently wishing to bring about some national organization, by virtue of the supremacy of which the Union of the States and the States of the Union shall be and remain as they were contemplated by the Constitution and its framers:--Now, therefore, the State Central Committee of the Opposition party of Virginia do recommend that the holding of the said Convention be postponed until the 22nd day of February next.
The Committee are aware and regret that the time between now and the 14th of December is short, yet there is abundant time to inform all the delegates of the proposed change, so as not to subject them to inconvenience; and they are also aware that most of the counties of the State have deputed delegates to attend, on the 14th of December, but this is not a matter of important consideration, as the same delegates will of course attend as delegates, on the 22nd day of February next. Believing that, at this particular time, the people would be reluctant to leave their homes, and, under all the circumstances, deeming it wise to postpone the holding of the Convention, the Committee do earnestly recommend the adoption of the foregoing suggestions, and invoke all the counties of the State, which have not appointed delegates to do so between now and the 22nd day of February, and thus let the Opposition party of Virginia form a nucleus, around which Union-loving men may gather, and by which the Constitution may be preserved.
R. T. Daniel, Chairman.
A. B. Guigon, Secretary
The Spectator, December 6, 1859, p. 2, c. 5
The New York Observer speaking of the sermons on Thanksgiving Day, says: "Of the five hundred pulpits of this city, we believe that not five uttered a word of approbation of the John Brown invasion of Virginia. We do not speak with positive knowledge of any great number. But we know that the radical pulpit is the noisiest and runs the most readily into the newspapers: that the sympathizers with the conspiracy are blatant in their denunciations of the law that has the murderers in its righteous hand.
"Of the five hundred preachers in this city we have heard of but TWO, who ventured to give the sanction of their pulpits to the support of the highest crime perpetrated in this country since the treason of Benedict Arnold. One of these preachers, of course, was the man who curses from Union Square, and the other is still so obscure that we will not give him the notoriety he would be glad to get by a notice in the newspapers. On the other hand, we hear from a large number of the most commanding, influential, popular and intelligent pulpits of this city, that they bore explicit, uniform, earnest and unanimous testimony against the conspiracy in all its features, designs, plans and acts. And with one voice they consented to the sentence of death pronounced upon the conspirators as just and necessary."
The Christian Observer of Philadelphia gives the same report of the sermons preached in that city on Thanksgiving Day Even the Rev. Dr. Bacon, of New Haven, who, if we mistake not, was a Sharp's rifle man in the days of the Kansas trouble, has undergone a reaction. In his Thanksgiving Day sermon he took the opportunity sharply to rebuke the unmanly, unpatriotic, unchristian spirit manifested at the North in regard to the Harper's Ferry's affair.
The Spectator, December 6, 1859, p. 2, c. 5
A letter from Charlestown, on Thursday, the 1st inst., says: At day break this morning the reveille sounded from the head quarters of twenty different companies, arousing those who retired late rather earlier than comfort would warrant. The morning was spent in counter- marching, drilling, and rifle-practice, and nothing of special interest occurred until 12 o'clock, when a carriage accompanied by twelve mounted guards was dispatched for Harper's Ferry to bring up Mrs. Brown, the wife of the prisoner, who arrived there last evening. She was accompanied by a gentleman and lady, two of her relatives, whom rumor soon announced to be the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher and lady, but like rumor generally in this region was altogether unfounded. The directions given to the guard, however, was not to allow them to accompany her--that the order of the Governor was to give her permission alone to enter the town, and all others must be excluded.
At 3 o'clock a dress parade of the entire military here assembled, and eight companies were directed to form in front of the jail, from whence they were ordered to clear an open space of about three hundred yards on each side, forming a hollow square with all the pomp of a grand military reception. The four brass howitzers were stationed in the centre of the square, and there seemed to be an evident intention to appal the poor woman with the military majesty of the Commonwealth of Virginia. All the citizens were compelled to fall back, and there was even some disposition to prevent them from standing in their own doors to witness the spectacle.
At half-past 3 o'clock, the cavalcade from the Ferry, surrounding the carriage containing Mrs. Brown, and Captain Moore, of the Black Hawk Rangers, who had been delegated to accompany her, arrived in front of the Court House, when the military escort reported to General Taliaferro the accomplishment of their mission.
During this scene Mrs. Brown seemed calm and collected, but bore on her features the evidence of an internal anguish that was unmistakable. She was met at the steps of the jail by Sheriff Campbell, who took her arm and escorted her within the walls to take her last interview with her husband.
The interview lasted from four o'clock in the afternoon until near eight o'clock in the evening, when Gen. Taliaferro informed them that the period allowed them had elapsed, and that she must prepare for her departure to the Ferry. The carriage was again brought up to the door, the military took possession of the square, and with an escort of twenty mounted men, the cortege moved off, Captain Moore, of the Montgomery Guards, accompanying her.
The interview was, I learn, not a very affecting one, but rather of a practical character with regard to the future of herself and children, and the arrangement and settlement of business affairs. On first meeting they kissed and affectionately embraced, and Mrs. Brown shed a few tear, but immediately checked her feelings.--They stood embraced and she sobbing for nearly five minutes, and he was apparently unable to speak. The prisoner only gave way for a moment and was soon calm and collected, and remained firm throughout the interview. At the close they shook hands but did not embrace, and as they parted he said, "God bless you and the children," Mrs. Brown replied, "God have mercy on you, and continued calm until she left the room, when she remained in tears a few moments and then prepared to depart. The interview took place in the parlor of Captain Alvis, and the prisoner was free from manacles of any kind.
During the course of the conversation Mrs. Brown asked him if he had heard that Gerrit Smith had become insane, and had been sent to an Asylum at Utica. He replied that he had read of it in the papers, and was sorry to hear it, but immediately changed the subject.
Brown dictated his will, which directed that all his property should go to his wife, with the exception of a few presents and bequests which he made. On the way to Charlestown, Mrs. Brown informed Capt. Moore that she had not seen her husband since last June, about six months ago, and that they had been separated, with the exception of a few days, for nearly two years.--They had, however, corresponded, and she always felt a deep interest in the cause in which he was engaged.
There was an impression that the prisoner might possibly be furnished with a weapon or with strychnine by his wife, and before the interview her person was searched by the wife of the jailor, and a strict watch kept over them during the time they were together. Mrs. Brown has undoubtedly been received with every courtesy and respect, and her coming gives general satisfaction to the community.
The Spectator, December 13, 1859, p. 2, c. 3
The debates in both houses of Congress last week, on the slave question were highly interesting and important. The resolution introduced in the Senate by Mr. Mason, for an inquiry into the Harper's Ferry affair, gave rise to the discussion in that body. The resolution is admitted on all hands to be a proper one, yet the Republican Senators have, in an apparently factious spirit, delayed its passage. These same gentleman, however, have unanimously and with every appearance of sincerity, denounced Brown's enterprise, and disclaimed for themselves and the great mass of their people any sympathy for such interferences with our rights.
Helper's book is the subject under discussion in the House of Representatives. Many of the Republican members, including Sherman, their candidate for Speaker, recommended the book for general circulation in the Presidential canvass of 1856. They cannot relieve themselves of the odium which justly attaches to their act, but it is gratifying to see that they repudiate the sentiments of the book and seem ashamed of the business. Sherman and others declare that they hold no opinions hostile to the rights of slaveholders, and that they never read or saw Helper's publication, although they endorsed it! As remarked by a member, Mr. Sherman is not the right sort of man for Speaker, as he might sign bills without knowing what they contain. It is proper, however, that he should have the benefit of his own explanation. We state therefore that Francis P. Blair says Helper promised to expunge "the obnoxious matter" from the work, and it was upon this assurance that many members of Congress were induced to recommend it. The New York Tribune also says, the extracts from Helper's book, published in the papers, "were not in the compendium prepared for general circulation, and the Congressional names appended to them are, therefore, morally forged, as they never recommended any such sentiments."
Some of the Democratic members improved the opportunity to make a little party capital.- -Senator Mallory, of Florida, thought "the only safety for the country would be found in the Democratic party." Mr. Reuben Davis, of Mississippi, proclaimed in the House that "it was the duty of all conservative and patriotic men to rally to the support of the Democracy, the only national party." Senator Iverson, of Georgia, another Democrat, was not quite so complimentary. "He believed the Northern portion of the Democracy was as rotten on this question as the Black Republicans." If Sherman was elected Speaker of the House, he would counsel his constituents to break up the Union. "That would be his advice, but he did not know that his people would follow it, for he was considered even in Georgia a little ultra." Rather so.
The intemperate zeal of a certain class of Southern members was illustrated at one stage of the debate. Mr. Nelson, of Tenn., delivered an eloquent and patriotic speech in favor of a peaceable settlement of the pending difficulties, when what does Mr. R. A. Pryor do but pounce upon him as fiercely as if he had advocated abolition sentiments. We regret that the management of affairs for Virginia and the South is not left to such men as Mr. Millson, of Norfolk, whose calm and statesmanlike speech was in striking contrast to the harangues of some of his colleagues.
The Spectator, December 13, 1859, p. 3, c. 1
Messrs. Editors--Gentlemen: Having a leisure hour to-day, I drop you a line, thinking perhaps that a bit of news and some of the doings and occurrences as transpiring here among us might not be uninteresting to you and the readers of the Spectator.
The West Augusta Guard left Staunton, as you are aware, on Sunday morning, 27th November. We arrived safe in Washington city about half past 3 o'clock, P.M., of same day, where we remained over night, very comfortably quartered at the National Hotel. By 6 o'clock Monday morning, we in company with our friends of the Monticello Guard, had partaken of something of a second-hand breakfast prepared for us at the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Station House, and were on board the train en route for this place.
At the Relay House we were joined by three companies of volunteers from Portsmouth and Norfolk. We arrived at Charlestown about 3 o'clock in the evening, in good spirits and condition, except the feeling of fatigue from the two day's travel. After the hurrying to and fro of the crowd assembled at the Depot--some to meet friends and acquaintances, others drawn thither from curiosity to get sight of those arriving, the pulling and tugging at trunks, overcoats and baggage generally, all was again quiet, and we were conducted to our quarter about one half mile from Charlestown, on the premises of a Mr. Ranson, a kind hearted, generous gentleman, who has done everything in his power to make our stay here comfortable and pleasant. We found on arrival here some 1500 troops quartered in and around the town, and the addition of the three companies which joined us at the Relay House, the Monticello Guard and our company augmented the number to about 1800 men in all. Being at last safely and quietly lodged in our quarters, each one of us began to feel the need of something of the substantial with which to refresh the inner man, viz: something to eat; and to procure which our Quarter Master, Mr. D. Bucher, was very soon hurrying down town, and ere long returned, having in charge a barrel of excellent soda crackers and several pieces of fat bacon, which I must confess at first sight appeared a little ancient and probably under different circumstances would have been voted entirely uninviting. But after the cooking of a plentifully supply and each man supplied with a piece of no small dimensions and his allotted number of crackers, we could have been seen seated around on the grass, with fingers well greased discussing in quiet content the merits of our hasty and to us rather unusual meal. Our dinner and supper both over--for by the necessity of circumstances we were compelled to consider the one as both--and being much fatigued with our journey, we were all very soon in readiness to lay ourselves down to sleep; not upon beds soft and easy, but upon a pile of long straw in a corner of the room with which we had been bountifully supplied by our kind host, Mr. Ranson.
But alas for our fond hopes of a good night's sleep of dreams, pleasant and undisturbed; for at an early hour we received orders informing us that we were required to do duty that very night, and forthwith every man of us shouldered his musket and marched off to the post assigned him, to hallo! through the long hours of the night, "Who comes there?" at every unwary individual who happened to cross our path or come within the limits of our observation. We found innumerable reports in circulation in regard to the rescue of Brown by his party at the North. One day we would learn that there were 500 men a short distance off in the mountains. Another report was there were 1900 men marching against Charlestown, and would certainly make an attack upon us very soon, and a hundred and one reports of similar kind was every day circulated through camp. And had you been here, Messrs. Editors, I think your usual activity of manner would not have been proof against hilarity, and you would have been tickled into a good hearty laugh, could you have heard the general remarks made by our boys upon the arrival of some new intelligence of the movements of the enemy, which was generally proceeded with in the following style: Well John, Jim or Jake, as the case might be, I think we are bound to have a brush to-night. And so do I, was the invariable reply. Well, how many do you think we can whip? Oh, fully twice our number, of course, was a question as often settled in the affirmative as discussed.
But Friday the 2d day of December has come and gone, and happily for the peace of Virginia, for the reputation of our common country, and for all the high and holy bonds which bind us together in a great bond of Union and brotherhood, the mandate of the law has been strictly yet quietly enforced; justice has been meted out to the transgressors of the laws of God and man, and no traitorous hand has been uplifted to stay her onward course in the execution of her duty. The scaffold upon which the doomed man was executed was erected some half mile from the town in a large field containing some ten or fifteen acres. The field was laid off and staked--the stakes being about fifty feet apart, on each of which was hung a small white flag. The several companies of Military entered the field at 9 o'clock, A.M., and took up their positions assigned them by an order issued the day previous, forming two hollow squares. Within the inner one stood the scaffold and between the inner and outward lines the citizens were admitted. At 11 o'clock the prisoner was brought out from the jail by the Sheriff and his assistants and placed in a small wagon containing his coffin, upon which he sat, as the wagon moved on toward the place of execution. Arrived at the place he ascended the scaffold with a firm step, merely remarking that the country before him was a beautiful one, but hoped those having him in charge would not detain him unnecessarily. No sign of fear was visible in his countenance; he looked calmly and resolutely at the crowd of soldiers surrounding him, but made no remark or allusion to his fate.
At a quarter past 11 o'clock the rope was cut and John Brown fell dangling in the air. Thus ended the existence of one, a great portion whose life had been spent in warring against the laws and institutions of his country. May his fate be a warning to all traitors in all future time.
The body, after being cut down, was conveyed to the jail, and during the evening was placed on a special train prepared for the purpose and conveyed to Harper's Ferry, where Mrs. Brown was waiting to receive it. The body, together with the private papers of John Brown were delivered into her possession.
Some half dozen of the Military companies before stationed here have been ordered home.--Several other companies are detained here, among them the West Augusta Guard, who will remain until after the 16th inst.
Our men are all well and in good spirits and feel determined to do their duty as soldiers, in whatever position they may be called to act, although badly equipped, much being in need of overcoats and necessary clothing.
We received to-day a dispatch from Captain Baylor, stating his convalescence, and hoping soon to be able to join us, and to which we all say Amen.
I fear my communication has already grown too long for your space. I close by promising brevity in the future.
W. A. G.
The Spectator, December 20, 1859, p. 2, c. 1
The invasion of Virginia by John Brown and his confederates, and the demonstrations at the [illegible] consequent upon the extecution [sic] of the [illegible] have excited more serious apprehensions of [illegible] to the Union than have ever been felt in previous crisis [sic] in the history of the country. A state of public sentiment has been developed at the North which the conservative men of the South had not imagined to exist, and for the first [illegible] they have been forced to doubt whether it is possible for the two sections of the Union to dwell together in unity. Recent events have stayed the hands of those who were already making preparations for a final effort to organize a little band of patriots at the South, around whom national men of all sections might rally. They have been compelled to stand still and gaze with amazement and chagrin at the spectacle exhibited in the Northern States. They had heard before the false teachings of the blackest of the Black Republicans, that there was an "irrepressible conflict" between the North and the South, which must end in the extermination of slavery or its extension throughout the Union; they have since seen the practical result of the abominable doctrine in the bloody scenes at Harper's Ferry. We have repeatedly said, and still believe, that a large majority of Northern people disapprove, not only of Brown's course, but of all direct assaults upon our rights. They, however, have heretofore remained, and probably will continue, passive spectators of the growing fanaticism in their section of the Union. As Mr. Cushing said of Massachusetts, in his Boston speech, the State is "in the hands of drunken mutineers," while the masses of the people remain indifferent, absolutely refusing, if not afraid, to go to the polls and vote against the Abolition crew who represent Northern sentiment in the State Legislatures and on the floor of Congress.
In view of this state of affairs there seems to be but one course left for the South, and that is to adopt every peaceable measure of defense and protection within the Union and the Constitution, and when all these fail, to go out of the Union and fight for her rights. It is well known that we hold no ultra notions in regard to the institution of slavery, but we do think the time has come, judging from the statements of such men as Ingersoll and Everett and Cushing, when the South should be united in sentiment and in action. Action, decided action--such action as will awaken the conservative sentiment of the North from its guilty slumbers, and lead them to wrest the power from the hands of the "drunken mutineers," is what is now needed at the South. We want no fire-eating revolutionaries in our Legislatures--no [illegible] harangues from our representatives in Congress--no inflammatory appeals and bitter philippics in our Southern journals. All these things do more harm than good. What we want is to bring the North to its senses and this we think is to be done by calm, deliberate, and concerted action.
With a view to the development of the conservatism of the Northern States the first thing necessary is for the South to present a united front, and for this reason we regret to see the Southern Democratic members of Congress so obstinate in their party organization that they cannot invite their brethren of the Southern Opposition into friendly conference. While they are so unceremoniously snubbed, it is demanding too much to ask them to vote for the Democratic caucus nominee. For the same reason we are pained to see them denounced by their colleagues as lending aid and comfort to the enemy and as unfaithful to the interests of the South. However excusable such criminations may be in a political campaign this is not the time, nor the halls of Congress the place, for one Southern man to be charging another with disloyalty to the South and affiliation with her enemies. At the same time we regret to see some Southern Opposition journals advising the Southern Opposition to vote for Sherman. They should never do it though the heavens should fall. We have probably as intense horror of Democracy as most people, but we cannot permit our party feelings to lead us so far estray as to advise any support of Black Republicanism in any shape or form. Such a course will not be sustained by the public sentiment of the State, and those journals who counsel it are doing nothing to advance the interests of the Opposition. An Opposition party organized upon the theory that Black Republicanism is not a very objectionable thing after all, would not be very palatable to us nor the masses of the Southern people.
In the second place, we should favor such legislation as would place the South in a position to protect her citizens from invasion, whether in or out of the Union.
Thirdly, such legislation in regard to the free negro population, as would encourage the worthy and industrious, and throw the thriftless and depraved into the arms of their sympathizing friends of the free States.
And last, but not least, such an understanding and association among Southern people, and such legislation as may be deemed Constitutional and advisable, as will lead to the commercial independence of the South and touch the pocket nerve not only of the abolitionists, but of the "conservative element of the North."
We are satisfied that this policy, carried out to the fullest extent, will prove a regular "eye- opener" to our Northern brethren. If there is conservativism there let it be developed. If they want more themselves let the South stir them and by such measures as we have suggested; and when once they are fully aroused they will find the conservative men of the South ready to cooperate with them upon a national basis, not only against the sectional men of the North, but the disunion men of the South.
The true policy of the South in the present crisis is a matter of the deepest interest. We have given our views briefly, and await with much interest the report of the Joint Committee of the Virginia Legislature on the Harper's Ferry invasion. That Committee, of which our Senator, Mr. Stuart, is Chairman, will, we doubt not, make a wise and judicious report.
The Spectator, December 20, 1859, p. 2, c. 2
The West Augusta Guard, under command of Lieut. Waters, returned from Charlestown on Tuesday last. They were met at the Central Railroad Depot, by a number of our citizens, and were briefly welcomed back by R. L. Doyle, Esq., who invited the company to the Armory, where an excellent dinner, gotten up at the very brief notice by some of the ladies of the town, awaited their arrival. The invitation was accepted, and upon reaching the Armory, the members of the Company were again briefly addressed by Hugh W. Sheffey, Esq.
The dinner was a very creditable affair, and ample justice was done to it by the soldiers who doubtless felt a keen relish for good fare, after enduring a soldier's hardships and a soldier's relations at the "seat of the war." We were pleased to see the members of the company looking so well. They have improved amazingly in drill since they left.
On Wednesday last the Company paid a visit to their commander, Capt. Baylor, who has returned from New York where he had been so long confined with severe illness, and is now at the residence of his father, Jacob Baylor, Esq.--Capt. Baylor is rapidly regaining his strength, and we may hope soon to see him out again.
The Mountain Guard, Capt. Bushong, arrived Sunday afternoon. Having exchanged their military coats for red flannel shirts, they presented quite a dashing appearance. From respect to the day, there was, of course, no formal demonstration on their arrival, but the company marched through town to their homes in the country.
The Spectator, December 20, 1859, p. 2, c. 3
From the letters of the Charlestown correspondent of the Baltimore American we extract the following account of the executions at the former place on Friday last:
For some days beforehand the prisoners had professed perfect resignation to their fate, and all apprehensions of an intended rescue had disappeared. At a quarter past 8 o'clock, however, Thursday night, the whole town was thrown into commotion by the report of a rifle under the jail wall, followed by several other shots from the vicinity of the guard-house, in close proximity to the jail. The military was called to arms, and the excitement was intense beyond anything that has yet occurred.
The sentinel, stationed near the jail wall reported that at quarter past 8 o'clock he observed a man on the jail wall, whom he challenged, and, receiving no answered, fired at him. Another head was also seen above the wall, but he retreated as soon as the first on had been fired at. The man on top of the wall seemed at first determined to persist, and was about making an attempt to jump down when the sentinel declared his intention of impaling him on his bayonet. The man turned out to be the prisoner Cook, who then retreated into the jail yard with Coppie, and both gave themselves up without further resistance.
They had succeeded, after two weeks labor, whenever alone, and at night, when the bed clothing muffled the sound of the saw which they had made out of an old barlow knife, (borrowed from one of the guard to cut a lemon,(in cutting through the iron shackles, so that they could pry them off at any moment they should have their other work completed. They had also made a sort of chisel out of an old bed screw, with which they succeeded in removing the plaster from the wall, and then brick after brick, until a space sufficient for them to pass through was opened, all to the removal of the outer bricks. The bricks and plaster had been concealed in the stove and bedding. The Sheriff and Jailer were much chagrined at the narrow escape of the prisoners, especially as they had resisted all interference of the military with the interior discipline of the jail.
They had set Thursday night for the attempt, but had deferred it on account of not wishing to compromise Gov. Willard, who was in town on that night. Cook's sisters, Mrs. Willard and Mrs. Crowley, had recently visited him.
At 9 o'clock Friday morning the entire military force in attendance were formed on the main street, and the officers were reported ready for duty at head-quarters. The companies detailed for field duty around the gallows immediately took up the line of march, and at half past 9 o'clock were in the position assigned them on the field. Capt. Bushong's company composed part of the guard to the prisoners from the jail.
During the morning Cook and Coppie were visited by Rev. Messrs. Waugh, North and Leech. The prisoners made great efforts to appear calm. Cook said he had nothing to regret, as far as principle was concerned Coppie said he feared the affair was not yet ended--that their friends at the North would not rest till they were avenged.
At a quarter before 11 o'clock the two negro prisoners, Green and Copeland, accompanied by the Sheriff and Rev. Mr. North, appeared at the jail door, and, with their arms pinioned, moved slowly forward towards the vehicle in waiting for them. They seemed downcast, and wore none of that calm and cheerful spirit evinced by Brown under similar circumstances. They were helped into the wagon and took their seats on the coffin without scarcely looking to the right or the left.
The prisoners mounted the scaffold with a firm step, and were immediately joined by Sheriff Campbell and Rev. Mr. North. After a brief prayer by the clergyman, the caps were drawn over the heads of the prisoners and the ropes affixed around their necks. During the few moments they thus stood Copeland remained quiet, but Green was engaged in earnest prayer up to the moment the trap was drawn, and they were launched into eternity. Green died very easy, his neck being broken by the fall, and the motion of the body was very slight. Copeland seemed to suffer very much, and his body writhing in violent contortions for several minutes.
The negroes did not say much in regard to their fate, and devoted all their time to prayer. Copeland would have spoken on the scaffold had he been permitted.
The bodies of the two negro prisoners having been brought back to the jail at about quarter of 12 o'clock, notice was given to Cook and Coppie that their time was approaching, only one hour more being allowed them. Since the failure of their attempt to escape their assumed composure and apparent resignation had given way, and they now looked at the reality of their fate with a full conviction of its awful certainty. They were reserved and rather quiet, but joined with fervor in the religious ceremonies.
When called upon by the Sheriff they stood calm and quietly whilst their arms were being pinioned; and after bidding farewell to the guards of the jail moved through the corridor to the door, and were helped into the wagon and took their seats on their coffins. Their appearance was rather of hopeless despair, than of resignation, and they seemed to take but little notice of anything as the procession slowly moved on to the field of death.
They ascended the scaffold with a determined firmness that was scarcely surpassed by that of Capt. Brown.
A brief prayer was offered up by one of the clergymen, the rope adjusted, the cap drawn, and both were launched into eternity in seven minutes after they ascended the scaffold. They both exhibited the most unflinching firmness, saying nothing, with the exception of bidding farewell to the ministers and the sheriff. After the rope was adjusted Cook exclaimed, "Be quick--as quick as possible," which was also repeated by Coppie.
After hanging about thirty minutes both bodies were taken down and placed in the black walnut coffins prepared for them. That of Cook was placed in a poplar box, labeled and directed as follows--"Ashbell P. Willard and Robert Crowley, 104 William street, New York, care Adams' Express." Coppie's body was placed in a similar box, to be forwarded to his mother in Iowa.
On the gallows they shook hands and bid each other good bye. After the caps were drawn Cook said, "Stop a minute, where is Edwin's hand?" Cook said, "God bless you," and Coppie said in a loud tone, "Be quick as possible."
Coppie's genteel appearance was the subject of general remark. The calm and collected manner of both was very remarkable.
On approaching the scaffold, Cook shook hands with a large number of persons, and bowed politely to Mayor Green.
Cook would have spoken from the scaffold if permitted. On their way to the scaffold the only remarks made by Cook and Coppie were in relation to the attempt to escape. They made an apology for any reflection that might attach to through their conduct.
One of the ministers who attended the prisoners informs me that nether Cook nor Coppie ever made any direct profession of religion.--Coppie was of Quaker descent, and Cook was a Congregationalist in sentiment. Both, however, seemed hopeful, and the ministers' exhortation to them on the scaffold was to put their trust in the redeeming blood of Christ. The prayer of the Rev. Mr. North was appropriate, and was the only service on the scaffold.
John E. Cook was 29 years of age, having been born in Hoddam, Conn., in the year 1830. He was about 5 feet seven and a half inches high, with light hair and fair complexion.
Edwin Coppie was born in Columbiana county, Ohio, an was 24 years of age, five feet nine inches high, brown hair, and dark complexion. He had a stupid look, but was undoubtedly of good intellect, and rather intelligent.
Shields Green was quite a black negro, and but 22 years of age. He was born in Rochester, New York. He had rather a good countenance, and a sharp, intelligent look.
John Copeland was a bright mulatto, with bushy head and rather straight hair. He was 24 years of age, and looked younger than Green.
Stevens and Hazlett will not be tried until the May term of the Court.
It is understood that there will be a civic guard kept under arms, but that the military force now here will be immediately dispersed.
Of the twenty-two men who joined in the invasion, eleven were killed at Harper's Ferry, six have since died on the scaffold, two, Stevens and Hazlett, are yet in the custody of the Virginia authorities, and three, Merriam, Tidd, and one of old Brown's sons, escaped, and are now in Canada.