The Spectator, May 1, 1860, p. 2, c. 2
A white man and a negro were committed to jail in this place, last week, charged with breaking into the meat house of Mr. Franklin Davis, at the Staunton Nurseries, and stealing about four hundred pounds of bacon.
The Spectator, May 1, 1860, p. 2, c. 4
--Several years ago, a Mrs. Lemmon, of Virginia, went to New York with her family, to take passage for Texas, where she proposed to settle. Her slaves were liberated in New York city, on the ground that the local laws prohibited slavery. This gave rise to a suit at law, which has recently been decided by the New York Court of Appeals.--The opinion of the Court, delivered by Judge Denio, holds that when Mrs. Lemmon carried her slaves to New York she did not carry there the laws of Virginia. Her claim to hold them rested on the ground that as a citizen of the . . . [illegible line] . . . -stitution, to all the privileges that she had in Virginia. Judge D. denies this, and affirms that the "privileges and immunities" to which a Virginian is entitled in New York are not those of a citizen of Virginia, but those of a citizen of New York. And the right to hold slaves, he says, is not one of the privileges and immunities of citizens of New York. Three of the Judges--Comstock, Seden and Clark--dissent from the judgement pronounced in this case; and five--Denio, Davis, Wright, Bacon and Welles--concur therein.
The Spectator, May 8, 1860, p. 2, c. 1
This is said to be a world of troubles, and our Democratic friends have had their full share of them at Charleston. After a career of unparalleled success, the agitation of the slavery question, which, somehow or other, has operated to their advantage heretofore, has at last divided the party, with little prospect at present of a future re- union. We are not disposed to make light of the occurrence. The disruption of a great party, which has boasted of its unity and nationality, upon a sectional issue, is an event of vast importance, and its effects, so far as relates to the perpetuity of the Union, cannot now be predicted.
The Committee on the platform reported to the Convention certain resolutions, as explanatory of the Cincinnati platform. The first resolution denies "that Congress has any power to abolish slavery in the Territories--or that a Territorial Legislature has any power to abolish it--or to forbid the introduction of slaves within a Territory, or the right to destroy or impair the right of property in slaves by any legislation whatever." This much negatively, to which is added the third resolution, which asserts that "it is the duty of the Federal Government to protect when necessary the rights of persons and property on the high seas, in the Territories, or wherever else its constitutional authority extends." A majority of the convention rejected these resolutions, and thereupon a number of Southern delegates retired. The Convention then re-affirmed the Cincinnati platform, without addition or explanation on the subject of slavery, but subsequently adopted the Tennessee resolution, endorsing the Dred Scott decision as "the correct interpretation of the Constitution."
In opposition to the theory contended for by the Southern seceders is the doctrine of Senator Douglas and his Northern friends. This affirms the right of the Territorial Legislature to settle the question of slavery within the bounds of the Territory, and denies that Congress has the power to interfere either for or against the institution.
That a diversity of sentiment on the subject of slavery existed between the Northern and Southern members of the Democratic and all other parties, has been apparent for a long time; and the failure of the attempt at Charleston conclusively proves the impossibility of embracing these different opinions in one platform which shall admit of but one interpretation. Even the Seceders at Charleston are not agreed among themselves. Gov. Winston, of Alabama, protested against the resolutions adopted by their Convention, because they do not contain a demand for a slave code for the Territories; and Senator Bayard, of Delaware, actually seceded from the Seceders.
With such an irreconcilable difference of opinion, the question arises whether there is no way of getting rid of the difficulty, or whether the peace of the country and the Union itself must be sacrificed to abstract theories. The only way we know of is to agree to disagree upon questions of really no practical importance. If let alone, the question of slavery in the Territories will settle itself to the satisfaction of all reasonable and patriotic men in both sections of the Republic.
The Spectator, May 15, 1860, p. 2, c. 1
The Convention of the constitutional Union Party, which assembled in Baltimore last week, has presented to the country, as candidates for the Presidency and Vice Presidency of the United States, the distinguished gentlemen whose names stand at the head of our columns. John Bell, of Tennessee, and Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, are known in all sections of the country as fit representatives of a party founded for the purpose of bringing together all national and conservative men who love the Constitution and the Union. They are statesmen of ability, integrity and enlarged patriotism, in whose hands the rights and interests of every section will be protected; and as such, will receive, we trust, the cordial support of all who desire to avoid a purely sectional issue in the approaching Presidential election. So far as our humble influence extends, we shall use it in their behalf, from the solemn conviction that nothing but the success of such men can save the country from continual discord, and perhaps dissolution.
We had the pleasure of witnessing the proceedings of the Baltimore Convention, and truly it was a refreshing scene. We breathed the atmosphere of a pure patriotism, and felt our hopes for the perpetuity of our institutions revive, when we saw men from every section of this vast confederacy uniting their hands and their hearts upon the common platform of the Constitution and the Union. No differences of opinion existed among that band of unselfish patriots, or if there were diversities of sentiment upon abstract questions, they sank into insignificance when compared with the grand objects of national importance, for which the Convention assembled. Consequently nothing occurred to interrupt the cordial communion of men who felt themselves to be brethren, and it was indeed pleasant to see them dwell together in so much harmony and peace.
Our readers will find elsewhere in this paper a synopsis of the proceedings of the Convention. The conclusion to which all parties must come is, that with such a ticket as we present to the country, selected by so large and respectable a body of able men from all sections, we need not yet despair of the Republic. Let the standard borne by John Bell and Edward Everett be the rallying point of all who love the Union and the constitution, and all will yet be well.
The Spectator, May 15, 1860, p. 3, c. 1
--The following list of words rhyming with Bell will be found useful by composers of political ballads: Dwell, fell, ell, quell, knell, sell, cell, hell, dispel, foretell, excel, compel, yell, well, tell, swell, spell, mell, parallel, sentinel, infidel, citadel, repel, rebel, impel, expel, etc.
The Spectator, May 22, 1860, p. 2, c. 4
The nomination of Abraham Lincoln for the Presidency, by the Chicago Convention, is generally regarded as a breaking down of the Black Republican party. Mr. Lincoln has no elements of popularity, and certainly no special qualifications for the office. A year ago, says the Baltimore American, he was unknown out of his own State, and all his recent reputation rests upon his popularity as a stump orator in canvassing Illinois as the Republican opponent to Mr. Douglas' return to the Senate, when he succeeded in carrying the State by the popular vote, though Mr. Douglas secured a majority in the Legislature. His record as a public man is brief and obscure. He was born in Kentucky in 1809, received a limited education, adopted the profession of law, was a Captain in the Black Hawk war, at one time Postmaster of a small village, four times elected to the Illinois Legislature, and a representative in Congress from Illinois for one term. from 1847 to 1849. His private record is that of a third rate district politician, not, at one time at least in his life very particular in his associations or correct in his moral habits. The selection of such a man over the great exponents of the Republican party, to the exclusion of Seward, Wade, Banks, Fessenden, and others, whose nomination would at least have been entitled to respect, is an insult as gratuitous as its accomplishment appears inexplicable. We cannot see how any amount of party management can overcome the general feeling of disgust which its announcement must create with the masses.
The nomination of Mr. Hamlin for the Vice Presidency, is much more respectable. He is a native of Maine, born in 1809, a lawyer by profession, and entered public life as a member of the Maine Legislature in 1836. He was a member of the House of Representatives in the twenty-eighth and twenty-ninth Congresses, and entered the United States Senate in 1848. He was re-elected for six years in 1851. In 1857 his party in Maine, to avail themselves of his personal popularity, ran him for Governor. He was elected, but soon afterwards resigned the Governorship and was re-elected to the Senate for the term ending 1863. He has not been particularly distinguished in the Senate, but ranks among the most decided Republican members of that body.
The Spectator, May 29, 1860, p. 2, c. 1
The undersigned have sold their interest in the Staunton Spectator to their late partner in the proprietorship, Richard Mauzy, Esq., who introduces himself below to those of our readers who are not already acquainted with him. In surrendering the control of the journal, it is a satisfaction to know that it falls into the hands of a gentleman so competent to conduct it with ability, and whose political sentiments accord so entirely with our own. With an intimate knowledge of his character, talents and attainments, we can most conscientiously, as we do most cordially, commend the Spectator to the continued patronage of the public.
In retiring from the position which we have held for nearly twelve years, as the editors of the "Staunton Spectator," we confess to a feeling of sadness such as those feel who are about to part, perhaps finally, from friends endeared to the heart by long and intimate association. We have been cheered and sustained in the arduous and sometimes disagreeable duties of an important and responsible profession by the kind and encouraging words of many generous friends, and are indebted to the party whose principles we have steadily advocated, for a liberal and substantial patronage. To all with whom we have held weekly communings, we are under obligations for an unmerited appreciation of our labors in their behalf, and we would return them our sincere thanks.
To paraphrase slightly the language of a favorite ballad, we may say--
"Many the changes, since first we met."
In the political world, which has been our peculiar element, parties have sprung into existence, run their careers and passed away. It has been our lot to feel but little of the genial sunshine of success, but animated by the consciousness of higher motives than mere party triumphs, we have endeavored to steer steadily where "right and duty pointed the way"--even in the midst of disaster and defeat. During our administration we have witnessed the dismemberment and decay of the glorious old Whig party, and the sudden extinguishment of its apparently vigorous successor, the American organization, and have remained on the watchtowers long enough to see the great Babylon of Democracy, against which we have unfalteringly battled, tottering to its fall. On the other hand, we have seen the great Northern power of Black Republicanism, so threatening to the perpetuity of our institutions, grow into gigantic proportions; and participated in the last glorious effort of the true patriots of the land to build up a party on the broad platform of the Constitution for the salvation of the Union and the enforcement of the laws. Our heart's desire is, that this great and patriotic movement may be crowned with success, and although not among the leaders in the contest, we shall perform duty faithfully and cheerfully as private soldiers in the ranks.
Many changes have taken place in the town of Staunton since we assumed the management of the Spectator. The population has increased largely, and is almost entirely changed. Most of those who were known as the old and substantial citizens of the place twelve years ago, have passed from the threatre of action, and their places are supplied by others--many of them not "natives to the manor born." Staunton has become changed from a town to a city--and now rejoices in a Railroad, Telegraph, Gas, and many other wonderful things to which she was a stranger then. And now another change has passed upon the venerable journal of the county, whose reputation we confidently commit to the keeping of its new editor and proprietor, and whose fortunes we commend to the fostering care of its numerous patrons.
To our contemporaries of the press with whom we have maintained a long and agreeable intercourse, and to whom we are indebted for many flattering and encouraging words, we can only say "farewell"--a word that conveys our best wishes for their personal prosperity and professional success. We shall often refer to their pages with interest, and renew with satisfaction the pleasant acquaintance of "auld lang syne."
JOS. A. WADDELL,
L. WADDELL, Jr.
Salutatory.
As will be seen by reference to the "Valedictory" of my former partners in the proprietorship of the "Staunton Spectator," I have become the sole Editor and Proprietor of this paper.--Under the editorial administration of my late associates, the "Spectator" has acquired an enviable reputation as an able, dignified and chaste journal. I have too just an appreciation of my own abilities to be vain enough to believe that I shall be able, "solitary and alone," to render the paper as valuable and acceptable as when favored by their combined talents and learning. I will endeavor to preserve the reputation which the paper now possesses for dignity, truthfulness, sound morality and wise conservatism.
Since my earliest recollection, I have entertained an exalted esteem for the character of Henry Clay, the Orator, Statesman and Patriot; and since I have arrived at man's estate, I have been as humble, though earnest and zealous advocate of his policy of Government. In politics, therefore, there will be no change in the character of the paper.
Believing that there exists no incompatibility between the "Union of the States and the rights of the States," I am in favor of the preservation of both. Whilst I would surrender none of the rights of the State, I would never none of the bonds of the Union, for the preservation of the Union in its integrity is necessary to the preservation of our liberties. With the "Father of his Country," I esteem the "Union as the palladium of our liberties," and cordially endorse the [illegible] of the great expounder of the Constitution--"Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable."
I favored the adoption of the peaceful measures known as the Compromise of 1850, as a settlement of the vexed questions which agitated the public mind, and which, till settled, destroyed the peace and periled the existence of the Union.
I was opposed to the adoption of the Kansas bill, for the reasons, chiefly, that it would reopen the bitter fountains of agitation which had been sealed by the Compromise measures of 1850--that it was a violation of the most solemn pledges given by both of the great National parties in National Conventions assembled--that it recognized the odious doctrine of Squatter Sovereignty, which would prove to be to the institutions of the South what the Grecian horse had been to Troy--that it would result in preventing the extension of slavery as a permanent institution in any Territory, even that South of the line of Latitude 36 deg. 30 min.--that it would destroy the reverence which the people felt for Compromises--that it would give a dangerous potency to a Northern sectional party--that it would sow the dragon's teeth of disunion--that the South would be selling its birthright for a mess of pottage, as it would exchange its dearest interests for a profitless abstraction.
The present frightful proportions of the Black Republican, and the distracted and dismembered condition of the Democratic party, and the fate of the cherished institution in Kansas, do not diminish the confidence I have felt in the correctness of my opinions in reference to the blunder committed by the South in its advocacy of the Kansas bill.
There are enemies to the country in both sections of it--abolitionists and Black Republicans in the North, and disunionists and secessionists in the South. That our free institutions are imperiled cannot be concealed, and hence there exists a necessity for the friends of our Government to arise in the majesty of patriotic strength, burst asunder the slavish shackles of party prejudice, forsake as well that party which has proven itself corrupt and incapable of administering the Government, as that which is purely sectional, that they may rally with the might of freemen to the support of such candidates as will, if elected, preserve the Union and sacredly guard and protect the rights of all the States.
It is fortunate for the country that an opportunity for the performances of this patriotic duty is now presented to the friends of the Union.--The ticket for the emergency has been nominated and reads as follows:
For President,
JOHN BELL, of Tennessee,
For Vice President,
EDWARD EVERETT, of Massachusetts.
These are candidates for whom the people can vote with pride and pleasure. Let all who feel that they have a "country to serve as well as a party to obey," rally enthusiastically to the support of the Union ticket, and victory will perch upon its glorious standard.
RICHARD MAUZY.