The Spectator, September 6, 1859, p. 2, c.1
The Vindicator thinks we erred in admitting into our paper the communication which appeared on the 2nd of August, over the signature of "Conservator," on the subject of Camp-Meetings. Our position is that we did right in publishing the piece, and that we could not have refused to publish it without a failure of editorial duty. Our convictions on the subject are so clear and decided that it seems to us we cannot fail to satisfy any impartial person of the propriety of our course.
The Vindicator's remarks are based upon what we conceive to be a misconception of "Conservator's " piece. That writer did not charge that the Methodist Episcopal Church or any of its members were guilty of the various disorders or improprieties which he alleged were attendant upon Camp-Meetings. As we understood him at first, and still understand him after a fresh perusal of his communication, he, as we certainly do, believes that the members of the Church interested in the Camp-Meeting desired and intended only to do good; but he alleged that owing to the assemblage of disreputable people at such meetings, over whom the managers had no control and of whom they would gladly get rid or turn from their vicious courses if they could, certain evils resulted, and that thus more harm than good ensued. This we understand to be the spirit of the piece, without quoting its language. We knew nothing about the facts of the case, but for these the writer was responsible. If he misrepresented the matter, it could easily be shown, and no harm be done to any individual. Now the question is, should we have published the piece? It related to a matter of public interest. The writer, so far as we knew, was instigated by no malice or ill-will towards the Methodist Church or any of its members, and only sought to promote the welfare of the community at large. The mode he selected for calling attention to the subject, in order to dissuade from the holding of the meeting, was the one which he regarded as the most efficient. Under these circumstances, we did not feel at liberty to refuse publication, and if we had done so we would, in our opinion, have been justly chargeable with muzzling the press and denying the freedom of discussion upon matters of public and general interest. A few days ago the venerable National Intelligencer felt called upon to publish an editorial article upon Camp-Meetings in Virginia, expressing the opinion that unless they could be protected by legal enactments from the disorderly persons who frequent them, they ought to be put a stop to altogether in every infected district. No less than three of our exchanges in one day published the substance of this article.--Does any one charge that the Intelligencer or the other newspapers alluded to have assailed the Methodist Church? We have heard no such complaint, and presume it will not be made,--Much less can we be justly censured for merely allowing a correspondent to be heard through our columns. We have the satisfaction of knowing that our course is sustained by many members of the Methodist Church, some of them having volunteered to tell us so. And we may mention that the very number of the Spectator which contained Mr. Tebbs' fulmination, contained also a communication from another Minister of the Methodist Church, in which the writer alluded to the paper in kind and complimentary terms.
But our friend of the Vindicator thinks that an editor "is bound, before he admits whole sale accusation into his columns, to be satisfied, personally, of its truth." Let us illustrate. Last week we published a communication signed "Justice," in which a large number of tax-payers generally, and the Commissioners of the Revenue particularly, were taken to task. The writer stated that many tax-payers did not give in the whole of their taxable property, and that the Commissioners were delinquent in not putting every man to his oath. Now what shall be done in this case? The Commissioners are highly esteemed by us as personal friends. It will be very unpleasant to them to see this piece in the paper. Moreover, we do not know that these statements are true. The writer, to be sure, is a man of veracity, who would not intentionally state a falsehood or do any one wilful injury; but still it will be disagreeable to our friends, the Commissioners, and therefore, we refuse to publish. What would every man in the community have thought of us if we had pursued such a course? The Vindicator surely will not say that it was our duty before publishing to examine the Commissioner's Books and travel about the county to ascertain for ourselves that the allegations of the writer were true! Upon precisely similar grounds we justify the publication of the piece signed "Conservator." In the one case there were two persons who might possibly feel aggrieved, in the other more than that number.--This seems to us the only difference.
In regard to the delectable communication signed "Parnassus," we have but little to say.--There is a littleness about the whole article well calculated to excite the most profound commiseration. The Rev. Mr. Tebbs, in the letter which he saw fit to address to us, took occasion to allude to the patronage bestowed upon the Spectator by the members of the Methodist Church, and now we have this anonymous writer expressing his unwillingness "to assist any sheet which is filled with such contemptible slurs against a form of worship which is identified with one particular denomination," and declaring without a blush, this is what he "means by holding the editor responsible." And in another part of his article he again presents for our reflection the sordid consideration that "they [the Methodists] may learn where to bestow their patronage." Now, we have only to tell this writer that we have never asked him to assist our paper, and have but little doubt that he would gladly damage its interests to any extent in his power. He much mistakes the editors of the paper if he supposes that they are governed in their course by any such paltry consideration as that which seems to be held in the highest estimation by himself; and we should deem ourselves as despicable as we deem his pitiful threats, if we should swerve one hair's breadth from what we conceive to be the path of duty to secure the permanent patronage of every man in the county. We hope the high-minded correspondent of the Vindicator understands us--be he layman, or clergyman, or politician. He tells us to beware how we trifle with Methodist Camp-Meetings and Methodist preachers. Let such Methodists as he beware how they trifle with us. We have repeatedly disclaimed any design on our part to reflect upon the Methodist Church, or its preachers, or its meetings, and if any of them are so unreasonable as not to be satisfied, let them make the most of it; and "Parnassus" and his sympathizers may begin at once the chivalrous job of taking as much as they can from our pockets. The Reverend gentlemen certainly commend themselves to an intelligent and liberal community, by preaching in one breath that gospel which inculcates the most enlarge charity, and advising in the next a venomous crusade against their fellow men.
The Spectator, September 13, 1859, p. 1, c. 6
It is a frightful sign of our times if we consider the carelessness with which we behold crime, and calmly listen to palliations adduced by those who openly favor its commission. It has often been observed that the eve of great revolutions has been marked by such a state of public and private morality as exists among us now. We have not for a good many years called things by their right names. The vilest demagoguery has now assumed the name of patriotism, the evasion of a just debt by a sovereign State, or swartwouting in private life, is merely a specimen of financiering and murder in the open streets is merely an unfortunate recontre--but it has been reserved for the last five years to attempt to revive a piratical traffic which has received the united execration of the world, and to endeavor to justify it upon political, moral, and even religious grounds.
The agitators of the reopening of the African Slave Trade allege that they are moved solely by the consideration of Southern interests.--They tell us that they are the only party which is true to the South. They have held Conventions, set up newspapers, and pressed their views upon the people in season and out of season--upon Virginia always out of season.
Does a man of these most earnest advocates expect to land a single negro in the United States legally? Not a bit of it--they all know that the Union will never allow the Trade to be reopened. They therefore intend to persevere in their scheme, in order to split the Union as soon as they can.
The advocates of the Trade are for the most part those who cannot get place and political distinction in our Union--so they hope to succeed in a Southern Confederacy. Accordingly we find that the most distinguished among them have been young men in search of notoriety, or second and third rate politicians, who could not upon any lawful issue obtain political distinction even in their own States. Yet these men have produced some effect. Already do we find that a class of politicians of much higher caliber are beginning to advocate the views of their inferiors to a greater or less extent. The cause is evident; they are afraid of the small fry getting the start of them; for already has the agitation produced a very great effect in certain quarters. More higher class politicians will be drawn in after a while, for the agitators below them have everything to gain and nothing to lose by continuing to excite the public mind.
It was said in the last Southern Convention that the non-slave holders in the Cotton States are to the slave-holders as two to one. This is the secret of the strength of this party. All these non-slave holders wish to own negroes as well as their neighbors. They can never give $1500 for an able-bodied field-hand; so they wish to put down the price by the importation of savages from Africa. If the trade be re-opened on a large scale, the slave-traders assure us that a wild negro will be worth only $150 just one tenth of what they would have to give now for a field hand. With such a tempting bait as this reduction of price is it to be wondered at that already the reopening of this commerce is so popular? One thing is certain--the agitators have a party sufficiently large to command great influence. It is said that they are very powerful in South Carolina and Mississippi, and strong enough to control the politics of Georgia. We shall, it is to be feared, have great trouble with this faction. As Conspirators against the Union know that they have not yet the majority of the South, nor can ever obtain it by legitimate arguments, they have with great craft endeavored to form a new test of devotion to the South--this test is their Slave Trade.--Unless a man gives into their views, they assume him to be "unsound" on the slavery question, and affect to rank him with Seward and Giddings. This impudent assumption has had its effect. Many a man has had the cry of abolitionists successfully raised upon him simply because he in his judgment has advocated a more conservative course than is profitable to the demagogues of the day. It is reserved for our times to hear that the State of Virginia is censured on the question of slavery, because forsooth she does not wish again to see the floodgates of African barbarism let loose upon us.
We live in an age of wonders, and we should be astonished at nothing within the range of possibility; but we should be astounded indeed if any arguments based upon political reasons, or any others should induce Virginia ever to consent to the reopening of the African Slave Trade-- we may as well expect the sky to fall or her everlasting mountains to be cast into the Atlantic.
Virginia has still some respect left for the ten Commandments. One of them is "Thou shalt do no murder." It is a known fact that for every negro imported in the slave ships, ten are slaughtered in Africa, or die of disease in the "Middle Passage." She has always abhorred this infernal commerce. Protest after protest against it did our noble old colony send over to the Crown of England, all of which were treated with contempt, and at last we risked our all in the cause of the Revolution, our greatest grievance being this abominable trade. Virginia has not changed her views on this subject, and never can. What was murder a hundred years ago we look upon as murder still, and no appeals of ambitious demagogues in other States can make us think otherwise. So even in a moral point of view--little as morality is regarded now-a-days-- there is no chance of the disunionists to occupy an inch of ground in the glorious Old Dominion; she is not to be "bluffed off" by charges of "unsoundness" on the Slavery Question. She despises such charges, which come with a bad grace from those who in their Report on the Slave Trade to a late Southern Convention speak respectfully of but one part in the Union, viz: the Black Republicans--utterly repudiating any consideration for the Democratic or American parties, and treating them as packs of wolves dressed in sheep's clothing, so as more effectually to deceive and devour the South.--Accordingly they empty the vials of their wrath upon them; for both these parties profess to be devoted to the Union, in which "these small flies cannot be heard to buzz."
Both the Slave Trade faction and the Black Republicans play into each other's hands, and both are working with all their might for one object, viz: disunion.
It is very strongly suspected that Black Republican leaders are secretly engaged in fitting out the great number of vessels now in northern ports known to be destined to land Africans on the Florida coast. It is not to be supposed that those who will be on the shore to await the landing of the human cargo will be ignorant as to who procured it.
These "ventures in Ebony" serve a double purpose; they put money into the pockets of the Black Republicans, and at the same time they serve to excite the northern sentiment yet more violently against the south and her institutions. There will be crimination and re-crimination, which the slave trade men hope will band together the whole South against the whole North, and bring about disunion. They then expect to float into power upon a fragment of the wreck of our present happy country.
All sorts of arguments are urged to advance this project for the destruction of our Government. The first and most effectual is that the non-slave-holders ought to have a source whence they may procure slave labor which they cannot obtain at present prices. By this argument they hope to make disunionists of the non-slave-holders of the South, the small slave-holders, and those of the larger slave-holders who in their greed for wealth wish to own more slaves than they now have.
They also assert that the political status of those now owning slaves will be more secure as they declare that the non-slave-holders in the mass cannot be true to our institutions, and therefore that all who are interested in the preservation of slavery should support the views of these new preachers of political economy.
They also attempt to influence the Union men of the South by telling them that if cheap slaves could be introduced, the unsettled Territories can be secured to the South, and that thus by the reopening of the Trade the balance of power may be restored, and that thus only the Union can be preserved.
These men know well enough, all the same, that the Trade can never be introduced in our Union, but they hope that this foolish argument may stop the opposition of some weak-minded union men and secure them to their cause.
They also boldly assert that the prohibition of the traffic is unconstitutional. This position supposes that the people are such asses as not to know where to find the first clause of the ninth section of the first article of the Constitution.
But the queerest argument used by this faction is that which is based upon religion! They say the only way to christianize Africans is to enslave them.
We almost despair of introducing in the Eastern mind of the negro proper conceptions of our holy religion; but, admitting this to be possible, the people of Virginia will never consent to the doctrine that it is christianity to butcher ten men that one may be the recipient of religious instruction.
The Spectator, September 20, 1859, p. 2, c. 5
Messrs. Editors:--"Have we a Bourbon among us?" is, I believe, no longer a mooted question; but have we a police officer among us? is a question which will, perhaps, admit of some debate. It is, however, one that many of our citizens do not hesitate to take the negative side. The writer of this remembers to have heard last spring that an officer was elected whose duty it was to preserve the peace of the town, but he thinks there must have been a mistake about it. The quiet, orderly citizens of our town are frequently aroused from their slumbers at a late hour of the night by the noise of drunken rowdies in the streets. Now it is reasonable to suppose that had we a Police Officer among us, this thing would not occur quite so often; for certainly such an officer would be aroused himself sometimes by the noise, and would as a matter of course jump up and be out in time to arrest some of these disturbers of the peace, and bring them to punishment. Were this the case the slumbers of our citizens would not be quite so often disturbed in the manner they were on a recent Friday night. With the foregoing view of this important question, I for one take the
NEGATIVE.
The Spectator, September 20, 1859, p. 1, c. 6
Messrs. Editors:--In sending you the report of the meeting held at my place on Sunday last, it is perhaps due to the persons present there to state, that owing to the advice of certain judicious friends, I have suppressed certain resolutions that were then and there passed, as they reflected strongly on the deceased, but I will reserve them for future use, should it be necessary.
DANIEL DOWNEY.
At a meeting of the Catholics of Staunton, Augusta County, Va., held at the house of the Rev. Daniel Downey, Sep. 11th, 1859, John B. Scherer, Esq., being called to the chair, and John Beck appointed secretary.
The Chairman having briefly explained the object of the meeting, Mr. Downey then rose and said:
Mr. Chairman:--"The dangerous malady that I am subject to, is the sole cause why I have delayed so long after my acquittal in Charlottesville to make the due acknowledgments, and advert to the exciting subject of my grievances. As my health is now partially restored, I wish to begin at home and lay my complaints before you, the members of my late congregation, as you know the whole matter, can give indisputable testimony, and act as you may deem advisable. You talk now that I have received unmerited abuse, and bad treatment from certain persons, who should rather have protected me and my house from reproach, and who, after Mullin's death, did all in their power, by crafty and false statements, to excite the public mind against me, and to bring all the prejudices of a Protestant community to bear on me; but there was too much honesty and love of truth among the Protestants to be long deceived by such a lewd set. There are too many noble, fearless and liberal minds in old Augusta County for falsehood to succeed in its evil designs against innocence. I have many other matters to settle but they will be brought before other audiences, perhaps before certain Tribunals."
Mr. Downey having concluded, the Chairman then read the following Resolution, which after proper examination were passed unanimously:
Moved by H. D. Noon--Seconded by Wm. Whooley: That by the full, free, and honorable acquittal of the Rev. Daniel Downey of the murder of Wm. Mullins, by the unanimous verdict of a jury of Albemarle County, that county has stamped an everlasting character of liberality, unbiased honesty and justice on itself, has given a good name to the whole State of Virginia, to bigots everywhere a valuable lesson, and proclaimed over the world that a Catholic Priest, when upright and on the side of morality and injured innocence, need not fear the Criminal Courts of old Virginia.
Moved by Robt. Knightly--Seconded by Thos. Hargan: That we view with deep indignation the conduct of those base Catholics, who did all in their power to excite the liberal portion of the community against Mr. Downey. We think such persons should be shunned by all good Catholics of every class.
Moved by E. Roach--Seconded by M. Quinlan: That we admire the skill and ability with which Robt. L. Doyle, Esq., Mr. Downey's Lawyer, conducted his case from the time he took it in hand, and we give him our warmest thanks.
Moved by John Gear--Seconded by Thos. Barret: That the very honorable acquittal of Mr. Downey, has been a source of unspeakable joy to us, and the unblemished character that he maintained through the whole ordeal entitles him to the admiration and profound respect of every pure minded virtuous Catholic. Especially when we consider, that Mr. Downey sustained an intensely severe prosecution from Gen. Harman, the Prosecuting Attorney, who left no hole or corner unsearched for charges against Mr. Downey, yet this same General Harman gave him an excellent character both here and in Charlottesville, and actually defended him from some false charges that some of Mullin's female friends wished to fix on him.
In view of these facts, and of many others too numerous to be now mentioned, we are sorry and grieved to see that Mr. Downey is not exercising his clerical functions as usual.
After the usual thanks to the Chairman the meeting adjourned.
J. B. SCHERER, Chairman.
John Beck, Secretary
The Spectator, September 20, 1859, p. 1, c. 6
We have touched upon some of the arguments used by those foes of our Government. They advanced many others if possible more absurd than those touched on above. Everything they have spoken or written has, however, been filled with taunts and insults to the North, and every means by which it could possibly be incensed against the South has been ostentatiously employed. The cloud which about twenty five years ago arose in the North no bigger than a man's hand has covered the whole northern horizon. Within the last few years this second cloud has arisen in the South which is no less portentous to Virginia and the other border States. It becomes us therefore to be up and doing, so as to prevent the storms meeting from both points of the compass and discharging its fury upon us; for if this incipient movement is not stopped, however either section is to be affected, Virginia is to be ruined.
Virginians know that the political and social existence of their State is involved in the continuance of the Union, and in the Union alone. Her voice has more than once saved our glorious Republic, and if she is true to herself she can save it again. Let her set her face against this Slave Trade. Let our Legislature pass resolutions affirming in what abhorrence it is felt by the great mother of States. Let our representatives in congress speak out the mind of the commonwealth. Let them introduce measures to stop the trade, already begun, cost what it may. If we have to guard our coast with a hundred cutters, let it be done; let, in fine, the whole strength of our chosen men be exerted to stifle this infernal commerce. Let us not wait till the question assumes such complications that we may be involved before we know it in disunion and civil war. Now is the time--now is the hour. Let us act at once. Rely upon it, there has never arisen a question more pregnant with danger to the union, and consequently to Virginia.
In the first place suppose that the Slave Trade could be peaceably introduced into the Union--a most absurd supposition. Or suppose the union to split peaceably, and Virginia to belong to a Southern Slave-Trading confederacy--what would be her condition? We surely should not be suspected of "unsoundness" to the institution if we venture to take a slight prudential view.--The advocates of the Trade introduce the question of dollars and cents as their main argument; fair play is a jewel--suppose we do the same.
Because of the depreciation of money from the influx of gold and the unbounded emission of paper, $600 in our present currency is worth at most $300 in money twenty-seven years ago, and $150 is consequently worth $75 at the same period. Now at that time Virginia came very near abolishing slavery. What was the cause? Simply this. An able-bodied field hand was then worth but $300, and other negroes almost nothing. The property did not pay--we were getting poorer and poorer every year, till we were forced to the very brink of abolishing slavery. What would have become of us had a negro man, instead of being worth $300, only brought one fourth of that sum, viz: $75?
Now the advocates of the African traffic tell us that they wish to make the maximum value of a negro $150; so that, remembering that money is now worth not more than one half of its former value, abolition would certainly follow in Virginia if the price of slaves were brought down to $150, equal to $75 twenty seven years ago.
These dollars and cents are dirty things, it is true; but somehow we can't help taking them into consideration in questions of political economy. If our friends at Knoxville and Vicksburg had their way, the negro now worth $1500 would be worth $150, so that the Virginia farmer now worth $100,000 in slaves would then be worth $10,000. This calculation is based upon the value of able-bodied field hands. The balance of a farmer's force would be worth less than nothing; for their food, clothing, taxes, and other expenses each year would amount to far more than they would bring in market. So that it would be the result of a correct calculation to assert that a farmer now worth $100,000 in slaves would then be worth less than nothing.
The slaves of our State are now probably worth, in round numbers, $500,000,000. We are now as rich in Virginia as any people in the world. Open the slave trade and we should be the poorest; for our property would be a fearful expense to us, and we should have to get rid of it somehow, or run away from our ruin.--The underground rail road takes off, say, some 2000 slaves every year from Virginia. This is a very great grievance, but the loss of 2000 negroes a year is a "drop in the bucket" compared to the entire loss of all our wealth. It is the best evidence of the heart felt devotion of Virginia to the South that we yet have such affection for a section so large a portion of whose inhabitants are known to be resolved upon a measure which would result in our utter destruction, and who are certain of governing the southern confederacy in case the Union is severed by their machinations. Let us see how this party talks of Virginia. It appears that like most other parties, it has a radical section and a conservative (!) one. Both have, however, kindly taken the case of Virginia into consideration. The radical say that Virginia and Kentucky are "unsound" and must be "made sound." How do they plan doing this? Why, by merely splitting the Union, reducing the value of our negroes to nothing, so that we can't sell them, and so shall be forced to keep pent up among us an ever-increasing slave population worth nothing. Thus the "unsound section" in spite of itself will have "soundness" forced upon it.--Thus too, the border States, with inhabitants poorer than so many leperos, will become a wall of defense for those who shall have ruined us.
This plan is exceedingly kind and disinterested. Virginia and Kentucky can never be sufficiently grateful. Could we find out the brilliant personage who first broached it the Legislatures of both States would present him a leather medal for his unselfish ingenuity.
Now let us consider the views of the conservative section of our friends. They agree with the first in the assertion that Virginia is "unsound," but do not wish to force soundness upon her and Kentucky. They only wish to cut off the rotten members and thrust us into the arms of the North. This view shows a high contempt for us poor borderers, at which we feel soul sunken, and are as those ready to die with shame. We have been proclaimed traitors and are to be drummed out of camp to the tune of the Rogue's March. Moreover it shows manly confidence in their own power; they don't need our help--not they. But stop a little. What do they wish to do with us after our expulsion? Why, to make the present northern line of slave states the slave holding border States of the Northern confederacy. By thus having no abolitionized border to defend, they will not be pestered with the underground Rail Road, and can cultivate cotton in peace.
These conservative gentlemen don't seem to reflect, while they charge us with being "untrue" to the South, that at the same time they admit that we are "true" enough to be trusted with the defense of Southern institutions, even after being thrust into the North on a charge of treason to the South. Gentlemen, you thus pay Virginia and Kentucky the greatest compliment they ever received--a compliment of which it is to be feared they would prove unworthy after being drummed out of your camp.
This last scheme is so statesmanlike that its author should be presented with a rusty nail, to be worn as a greegree around his neck after the style of his beloved Africans.
It is time that Virginia should take into consideration what steps she should pursue, should these people be able to dissolve the Union.--Their faction as yet is not in the majority in the cotton states. Yet they have a very respectable minority, which has sprung up in a very few years. We cannot tell how far the events of the next few years may strengthen their party so as to enable them to accomplish their long-cherished object--the dissolution of our Union. When that occurs Virginia should be prepared to take her stand. She will be found equal to the emergency. We do not pretend to say how she will act; but of one thing we may rest assured--she will never be a member of a Slave-Trading confederacy.
If Virginia takes her stand now there will be no necessity for the occurrence of any such crisis, at which if we separate in peace, we shall be ruined; but if in war, Virginia will be the battle field, and become not only the Flanders, but the La Vendee of America.
This new phase of disunion has grown rapidly since it was first hatched. The reptile has been hissing quite fiercely it is true, but it has so lately left the egg that its fangs are not yet developed. Virginia will never let it grow till it destroys her, but will put her heel upon it and grind out its brains.
Alpha.
The Spectator, September 27, 1859, p. 2, c. 1
An affray took place on Saturday last about three miles from Staunton between Wm. Farrar and Michael Vance, which resulted in the death of the latter, his neck having been broken by blows which he received. We understand that Farrar alleges that his wife had been maltreated by Vance. A coroner's jury held an inquest upon the dead body of Vance and returned a verdict that he came to his death from the effect of blows inflicted by Farrar, who was arrested, and on Monday last was fully committed by Justice Bickle.