his remaining
brother, born July 11th,
1848, was killed in battle, June 10th, 1871, with the Spaniards in
Cuba, where he had gone from Augusta County, Va. with Gen. Thomas
Jordan, and had charge of that general's engineer corps.
Captain Coyner's father, Addison H. Coyner,
was the youngest son
of a family of nine children, towit: John, Robert,
Archibald, Margaret, James,
Sarah, Martin L., David H. and
Addison H., who was
born in Augusta Co. Va. May 11th, 1809 and died Nov 17th, 1856. David
H., now 82 years old, being the only one of the above now living.
Captain Coyner's father was Capt. of a Militia Co. in his native
county some years before his death and was a straight-forward,
intelligent and well-to-do farmer of the renowned Valley.
Captain Coyner's paternal grandfather, Martin Luther Coyner,
was
the ninth son of a family of thirteen children (See Peyton's History
of Augusta Co. Va. page 326, also Wadells Annals and Hotchkiss
History of Said Co.) where this most numerous family in
that county has been
traced back to 1620. One of this family was a distinguished officer
in the "Thirty Year's War," which ended in 1648. Several towns in
Germany bear the name, and up to 1806 the family was princely, but
lost all when Napoleon the First broke up the old Germanic League,
with its Electoral College, and its Diets, and the Kaiser at the head
of all; and Franz Second, resigned his crown to the little French
Emperor, August 6, 1806. Even to this day the family is prominent in
Germany, in political and military circles, one being chief counselor
in Prussia in this century.
Captain Coyner is also descended from Argyle, Archibald 3rd.,
Duke of Argyle, of Scotland, the man who is so famous in English
History. His father was a grand-nephew of Governor Rhea of North
Carolina and Tennessee, one of the Colonial Governor's; his father's
mother was Elizabeth Rhea, her mother was a
Bingham, one of the
founders of Binghampton, N.Y. The Name of Archibald runs all through
the family, from Archibald of Argyle, Archibald
Rhea, a brother of the
above mentioned Elizabeth Rhea, and
Uncle of Capt. Coyner's father was
burned at the stake by the Indians, and the Indians were followed from
Tennessee to the "Old Stone Fort", now Old Stone Church in Augusta
county Va., and there were killed by the avengers of blood.
On Capt. Coyner's mother's side his lineage is just as noble,
mother, Elizabeth Brown, born Oct. 29th, 1811, in Rockingham
Co. Va. and still living, was the 6th child of a family of ten
children. Her father was Rev. John Brown, who
for over fifty years
before his death, which occurred in the last named county on January
26, 1850, had preached the gospel. He was a learned, eloquent,
literary man of the Dutch Reformed Church, one of the pioneer
preachers of the Valley. He was so well beloved, so well known that
after he had entered into rest nearly forty years, there was a Memorial
raised to his memory. "The Brown Memorial Chapel", near
McGacheysville in Rockingham Co. Va.
Three of Capt. Coyner's grand uncles were soldiers of the
Virginia army in the Revolution, and three more, Phillip,
Jacob, and
Michael Coyner, were officers in the War of 1812.
The two first were
members of Capt. A. R. Givens Company, the last of
Capt. John Link's
Company, Colonel James McDowell's Regiment (see Waddells
Annals of
Augusta Co. Va. Page 232) In Company "C" of the 5th Va. Infantry,
"Stonewall Brigade, A.N.V." Capt. Coyner had 23 cousins, who it is
needless to say, all, with no exceptions, and good and brave soldiers;
17 of the 23 lost their lives for the cause they thought was right and
the other six were wounded. In Company "E" of the 1st Va. Cavalry
A.N.V., ten cousins of his name were enrolled, five of whom were
killed and the remaining five shed their blood for Old Virginia and
her rights (McClellan's Life of Gen. J. E. B. Stuart, Appendix) and
many others of the name were found enlisted and battling for the lost
cause. The above facts show that the Coyners, for years have been
brave and gallant soldiers, and that the hardy Scotch-Irish and noble
German blood from which Captain Coyner sprung has produced its share
of royal, as well as noble champions, who, while they may have been
and many be now overpowered, yet never conquered, or convinced that
wrong was right; and if dubbed traitors and rebels for fighting with
such heroes as Washington, the Lees, and
Jackson, then they glory in the name!
BOYHOOD
Capt. Coyner, up to the spring of 1852, when he was about
fourteen years of age, was a strong, healthy boy, running about in
snow and rain, with his shirt collar open and his bosom bare. He and
a black boy, Reuben, belonging
to his father often went up to a creek
in his father's meadow, (above the old Stone House, built in 1806 by
his grandfather), to bathe. One day he stayed in the water too long,
got chilled and took the White Swelling in his left leg and was
afterwards a cripple. For a long time he was quite deformed, and
could not walk without his crutches, and used to hobble around amongst
the other children during play-time, when he had to forgo the games of
bat and ball, etc. of those his own age. He, as was quite natural,
became melancholy at times, but his intellect seemed to expand, as
books were his constant delight. He suffered extreme pain from his
leg, but with this, he was quiet, never speaking of it to any one. In
the fall of 1852, after he had been confined to his bed for seven long
months with his lame leg and was beginning to sit up, but had to be
dressed butchering was going on at his father's home, when 20 or 30
hogs were killed for the year's meat. All the help were engaged and
all was bustle and confusion. His mother was in the room next to him,
and he being alone, tried to get his clothes, thought he could sit up
and look out of the window. He started for his clothes which were on
a chair on the opposite side of the room, leaning on one crutch and
drawing the clothes to him with the other, when he fell. His mother
heard him fall and ran to him and screamed for his father, who came at
once, and with help put the boy in bed again, though he was nearly
fainting with pain, yet he was soldier enough to bear it all with
firmness. A physician, Dr. Wm. R. Blair
was called and for six more
months he was confined to his room, as his leg was made worse by the
fall.
The next summer he was able to ride on horseback, but always
carried his crutches with him, and attended Mossy Creek Academy, Jed
Hotchkiss, Professor during the year 1853. One of his classmates was
Macon Jordan, of Page County, Va., of whom more will be said
hereafter. In the fall of this year Capt. Coyner came to his mother
and said, "See Mother, this came out of my lag last night--"and
presented a piece of bone, quite decayed and perhaps the result of the
fall above described. Upon inquiry his mother found his leg had been
paining him more severely than usual for the last six weeks, and he
had gone on patiently and silently with his duties, (for school being
closed, he had been riding on business for his father) suffering and
never saying a word. His mother still retains and keeps sacred that
piece of bone which is a reminder of the fortitude of her noble boy
who afterward shed his blood and lost his life fighting for his
country and his beloved state.
These things are here related for two reasons: first, to show his
character, that "the boy is father to the man", and second, to show
why his transfer (to be referred to hereafter) from the Infantry to
the Cavalry and why he could not serve in the Infantry, for his leg in
which he had the "white swelling" was never entirely healed, and ever
afterwards gave him trouble if he took exercise. In later years he
used to have a good deal of fun about his "darned old leg" as he
laughingly called it. While living with his sister, Mrs. Maggie
Lockridge at Mt. Solon, Va. he sprained it once;
at another time his
horse fell with him and fell on it, and being met by his sister, who
inquired about his limping, he exclaimed, "Oh! yet", as he laughed.
He was wounded in this leg in 1862 and in 1863, which was his death
wound, verifying his saying of it being the death of him. When he
came home wounded in August 1862 the first time, wounded in the same
leg in the hip--that same beloved sister met him at the stile very
much frightened, he said "the same old leg, Maggie",
as he limped from
the carriage. In 1853 and 1854 he attended the Mossy Creek Academy,
and the Long Glade Classical School, sessions of 1854-1855 and
1855-1856. Dr. John E. Lockridge
was professor at Mossy Creek
Academy, where he studied the languages, and here began one of the
truest and strongest friendships ever made between man and man.
Dr. Lockridge
was well known over Virginia as an eminent physician who
for over thirty years practiced his profession in the Valley before,
during and after the War, and was a surgeon in the Confederate Army,
married Capt. Coyner's sister and the friendship, begun as stated
above, continued until the day of his death, for Dr.
Lockridge was with him when he passed away, on the field
of battle. Dr. Lockridge
now says of him, "Sam Coyner was one of the most reliable men I ever
knew; when he told you anything, you might always know it was true."
He would never repeat anything if he thought there was a shadow of a
doubt of its being true.
In 1857 he went to Illinois and taught school near Bloomington,
but his love for old Virginia brought him back, and in 1858 he came
back to Mt. Solon, Augusta Co. Va. and made his home with sister and
her husband, Dr. Lockridge.
He was handsome and fine looking--was now a man--had his faults
loved wine and cigars, was somewhat extravagant, especially in dress
and in keeping horses--his dress always being of the finest texture.
He had laid aside his crutch and staff, though he could not walk far
at a time--was well formed--stood six feet in his boots, with broad
shoulders and a soldiers bearing, black hair, steel gray eyes, full
glossy black whiskers, small feet and hands, even and regular
features, gentlemanly manners, a pleasant voice and winning ways,
though there was a degree of melancholy surrounding his nature that
sometimes led strangers to think him proud and cold, but when he was
known this was not the case. He took magazines and papers, and
generally had what he wanted--was strictly honest, always paid his
bill promptly--honesty was part of his make-up.
In 1859 he was a member of the Augusta County Militia, "The West
Augusta Guards" under Capt. W. S. H. Baylor,
which was called to
Harper's Ferry by orders of Governor Wise, in the fall of that year.
This company was completely equipped and was one of the oldest
organizations in the county,, and remained in the neighborhood of
Harper's Ferry until about Dec. 20, 1859, where it did as much as any
other company in quieting what was called the "John Brown
Raid." In a
letter from Capt. Coyner Dec. 5, 1859 from Charlestown, Va. among
other things he says--"I write you my first letter from the seat of
wary."--"All is confusion, pell-mell, helter-skelter; I write this in
a drugstore at a borrowed desk--"The people all treat us very nicely;
There's no danger of fighting"--"I'll not return until about the 20th
of this month, I expect."--this apparently trifling affair was like
"the letting out of waters" but created a great deal of military
enthusiasm throughout the state in Augusta County as well, and was the
"handwriting upon wall" or at least was the shadow of the terrible
events that followed in a few months and years.
Immediately on his return Capt. Coyner entered the Lexington
Va. Law College, Professor Brackenborgh,
and in 1861 graduated in law,
received his diploma and was licensed to practice in the courts of
Augusta County Va., at Staunton, Va. February term 1861. Capt. Coyner
stood high in his class and among his Mss. is found a complete list of
all his classmates with comments by himself upon them, which is too
lengthy for insertion here; suffice it to say that among those we find
the name of Capt. Chipley
and others who cut some figure in his army
life--Chipley
being a fellow Capt. and comrade of his under General
Ashby.
Capt. Coyner was quite a jolly fellow with his classmates at
Lexington. In a letter of his dated January 4, 1861 at that place
among other things he says, his "fellow students are splitting their
sides over a 'Brother Jonathan' that I have just brought in--like
children giggling over the picture and criticizing it--and exclaiming
'Oh, just look!' and "What a treat Coyner has brought the children'",
etc. The writer wishes to give a portion of this letter, dated at
Lexington January 4th, 1861 showing how Capt. Coyner loved the old
Union, and how he felt when he could see the clouds of war, terrible
Civil War, arising in the horizon. He loved the "Star-Spangled
Banner" but afterwards, despite his love for that flag; when his
native state, Virginia, on the 17th of April, 1861 joined the balance
of the Southern States, we find him with the "old Dominion" in the
heart and soul, and for her he shed his blood and for her he gave his
noble life. In his letter he says--"The old year has gone. the old
fellow has done some good, but if he has sown the seed, which has
brought forth the tares to choke the wheat of liberty in this our
glorious land, if he has blasted the mine which is to blow up this
vast machine, if he has formed and collected the thunder-cloud which
is soon to burst upon our beloved country, if the 'Old Year' has done
this, he has done worse for America and the world than any of his
predecessors. But I hope,
Ah! that hope is a clever quality, the
greatest of all consolations. Our country is indeed in a most
critical condition. These are times again 'to try men's souls.'
There are many traitors in our country, yet there are many patriots
too. South Carolina has seceded and made her name black. Other
states are threatening to blacken their names, to tear the flag of
this Union to pieces, to separate the bright stars that have shown
together so long and so brightly, to sever the golden chain and break
the silken cord that binds us. We seem to be on the very eve
of Civil
War--upon the very brink of destruction. It seems that the prosperity
of America is about to end. Her sun seems to be setting in clouds and
darkness--ruin--ruin--ruin! stares us in the face. But I have never
believed that this union is to be dissolved; and I do not believe it
now. There are still Everetts and Scotts
and Critendens and Bells in
this country--men who love the Union and who will save it. The
people, too, are patriots. They have tried the union and are
satisfied that no other government can do as well. They know that the
ends for which it was made, have been fulfilled. We have been more
prosperous and grown more mighty than any other nation upon the earth.
We have become the wonder and pride of the world and now shall we
become a "proverb and a reproach" a scorn and a bye-word? Never!
Never! Throughout the north, patriotic meetings are being held--Union
meetings. The Masses, they say, are misrepresented by their
Congressmen and their politicians, and I believe it. I do not believe
that Providence has raised up this nation to such greatness and glory,
to throw it away. 'Clouds and darkness are round about him, but
righteousness and judgement are the habitation of His throne." The
next day, January 5th, Capt. Coyner finishes his letter of which the
above extract is a part by saying, "We have no class today as this the
day set apart by the President for fasting and prayer. (I believe
it's fasting and prayer--at least it ought to be) for the preservation
of the Union--a wrestling with the Most High God for the safety of our
beloved land. For my part, I think we should do our part before we
can except Jehovah to do His. This is but a punishment for past
wickedness, and if we go down, we will sink beneath the weight of our
own sins. 'He whom the God's would destroy they first make mad' is an
old Roman maxim, in Caesar or somewhere else, and it is evident that
the American people are but a mass of mad-men, ripe for Almighty
vengeance."
Before Virginia on the April following voted herself out of the
union, Captain Coyner had been convinced that South Carolina was
right; many were his prayers for his native state, and the cause for
which he died. Someone has said that "the Good Master took General
'Stonewall' Jackson to Himself on high,
because he could not withstand
Jackson's
prayers for the Southern Cause." Capt. Coyner's prayers may
not have had as much weight as Jackson's or been as frequently
uttered, but they were as earnest and reached the Divine Ear as
readily, and who knows but the Good Master took him for the same
reason? Like Jackson,
Sam Coyner's whole soul was with the cause, and
like Jackson,
he lost his life for the cause he fought for--and where
is the stay-at-home coward that will laugh at this thought, or the
Northern foe who can deny its truth?
Captain Coyner had decided to practice his profession and to
locate at Weston, VA. But war was upon the country; troops began
moving, companies were being raised. --The young Virginian still
hesitated, and did not know what to do. But the state he loved so
well, Old Virginia, April 17th, 1861 decided the matter for him.--He
had decided to go as she went, to fight as she fought, to die as she
ordered him to die, and as he died nearly three years afterwards, with
his face to the for. One thing troubled him,--his lame leg. His
comrades could go on foot, he could not; he then applied for, and
obtained from the Governor of Virginia a commission to raise a company
of "Sharpshooters"--they equipping themselves in homespun of primitive
garb; each taking his own trusty rifle and horse. He was busy getting
up this Company, when he was in Staunton one day in the first part of
June 1861. A Company of Infantry was being formed--among them young
men over whom he had quite an influence. He was a factor in every
community in which he lived. He had an influence which worked upon
those with whom he came in contact. he was so sincerely earnest when
his convictions pointed him to the right--he was so philosophical in
his ideas of the right. these young men said to him "Coyner, you
volunteer, I will." He intended to volunteer and that promptly, for
his convictions told him this was right. And the authorities told him
"You volunteer in this Command and these boys will follow, You hold
back, so will they." He spoke of his lameness, of his lame leg; that
he wished to join the Cavalry; the answer was "The Company will not be
mustered in for some time and you can easily be transferred to the
Cavalry." This no doubt was thought to be the case. With this
understanding then, Capt. Coyner volunteered and was made fast in
Co. "D" 52nd Va. Infantry, Capt. Joseph F. Hottle.
But the Company
could not draw rations until mustered in, and that day he, with his
comrades, were mustered in, along with the rest of the company.
On July 29th, Capt. Coyner wrote for his sister and
brother-in-law, Dr. J. E. Lockridge
to come to Staunton and asked
Dr. Lockridge
to get a recommendation for him for a clerkship or
regimental quartermastership from his prominent friends. His friends
knew he could not march; that he could not serve his country on foot.
On July 30th, the next day, his sister and Dr. Lockridge
went by
Staunton and found him at the American Hotel. He was very blue--did
not want to stay in that Company--could not do service in the
Infantry; but the officers knew they had a jewel in him, and would not
give him up. On that day, July 30th, 1861,
Col. A. W. McDonald's
Legion of Cavalry, that had been ordered to Staunton, reached that
place, and Captain Macon Jordan
of Co. "D", one of Capt. Coyner's
class-mates at Mossy Creek Academy, was at the Hotel that day, and
offered Capt. Coyner a horse if he would go with him; leave the
Infantry and he (Capt. Jordan)
would get him a transfer. Capt. Coyner
went, and with him Wm. L. Miller and
James W. Waters. They went right
down the Valley into fights, and the Company he left laid in Staunton
until Sept. 11, 1861. Frequent attempts were made to get Capt. Coyner
back. There were some in that community, (one especially who called
himself Major, but has now joined the majority, and his name need not
here be mentioned;) sat back in the quiet and safety of their own
official offices and wreaked their puny arms with vengeance upon such
as Capt. Coyner. The first time he came home after this, it was as a
recruiting officer--they still wanted to follow him. These
home-stayers fought him until he came home a commissioned officer,
wounded in his country' s cause, and even today some of those small
minds, after he is dead and gone, do not want to do him justice and
call him a "deserter." This same class of stay-at-home busybodies
found fault with Col. McDonald, Genls. Ashby,
Jackson and Lee.
All of these things have a start in small minds. There had been
a contest for Judgeship in this District. Capt. Coyner and a few
others wrote on the side of Judge Fultz,
and all the "Bulls of
Bashan", as he called them were against the few. Coyner's
non-de-plume was "Countryman". He handled them without 'gloves' and
showered upon their heads such volleys of grape and canister and
stinging truths that this clique, which belonged afterwards to the
"stay-at-homes" never forgave him. This was not only mean and
low-down, but unfeeling, knowing, as they did his lameness, that they
were not willing at once give him a transfer. He lived to obtain the
transfer, through the kindness of his Capt., Macon Jordan,
and the
Captain's brother, Gen. Thomas Jordan, and to walk
into the leader of
this clique's office with his Captain's straps on, and have him sign
his pay rolls.
This new Company which Coyner joined was Co. "D".,
Capt. Macon Jordan, Lieutenant Col. Turner Ashby,
and Col. A. W. McDonald, and by
order was sent from Staunton to the lower Valley to guard its whole
border, extending from Harper's Ferry to the headwaters of the
Potomac, a distance of 125 miles. As the main points of what occurred
during the summer and fall of 61 will be read into the history of the
Brigade of which the Seventh Va. Cavalry belongs, only such as bear
direct and relate particularly to Capt. Coyner will be here related.
In a letter from Camp Strausburg Aug. 7, 1861 he says, "After
leaving 'Camp Hering' Monday morning we traveled thirty miles and
camped for the night at Dr. Meem's
on the celebrated "Stuenberger
Bottoms." yesterday we traveled ten miles and pitched our tents near
Edinburg. I then met with my friend and school fellow,
Chipley, and
this morning we again struck our tents and now we are encamped in
Strausburg.." And in another letter dated Aug. 12, 1861, on Sunday,
Capt. Coyner writes of the Chaplin of the Regiment,
Rev. J. B. Averett,
who in his 'Life of General Turner Ashby' speaks
in glowing terms of 'The Gallant Captain Coyner.' In the same letter
Capt. Coyner speaks of "A live Yankee has just come into camp, and of
all the crowding around. He is as much a curiosity as an Orangoutang.
He is a deserter, so he says. An officer in the Cavalry, looks for
all the world like a man,--though very ordinary, and nothing uncommon
except his very rich uniform. He comes from towards Charlestown."
Between the above date and Sept. 3rd following which is the date of
Capt. Coyner's next letter very little occurred of interest. His
Company, Capt. Jordan's
was encamped at "Camp Hollingsworth"--He tells
of a little skirmish a few days before, between a company of cavalry
about sixty strong (not of the 7th Va. Cavalry, however) and a body of
Federal Infantry of about 200 strong, in which none of the
Confederates were killed or hurt, but six of the enemy killed, and two
taken prisoners, and are now in Winchester jail, both wounded, one had
his upper lip shot off, and the other wounded through the side, both
forwarded to Richmond. Both had been soldiers in Patterson's Army,
and were from the extreme north, one being a Scotsman, and both
expressed themselves determined to fight hereafter on the side of the
South. Capt. Coyner, then a private in Co. "D" stood sentinel or
guard at their tent one night, and about midnight and for more than an
hour he listened to one of their number, (as there were other
prisoners besides the two above mentioned,) telling his tales of
murder and robbery, while his audience, the other prisoners were
listening with all the eagerness of boys. They could not have been
more happy if they had been at home. Two things impressed
Capt. Coyner--The first, how prisoners could be happy, and second, how
a man who was and had been in danger could deliberately break one of
the Commandments as one of them had done. One of the prisoners was
quite a distinguished and influential man in his part of the country,
being no less a man than Colonel Strother,
the father of Dr. Strother (Porte Crayan)
who as Capt. Coyner in his letter states is also a
traitor to his country and to his native state, Virginia, having been
some time with Patterson's
Army and being accused of piloting that
General into the country near Martinsburg. It is thought that the son
is influenced by money, having been for some time a correspondent of
Harpers Journals. You will recollect he was author of 'Virginia
Illustrated.' Let him go down to infamy doubly damned! It is not
certain that the old man is disloyal to his state and it is uncertain
what is to be done with him. He is at present allowed to walk about
at leisure attended by a sentinel and boards in the country at some
private house. He is the proprietor of 'Berkeley Springs' and lives,
I think, near Martinsburg." The above facts are related to aid in
refuting a base charge of Dove Strother
that his father, Col. John
Strother, had been badly treated by
Col McDonald. Col. Strother's
arrest was made without the authority of Colonel McDonald
and he knew
nothing of the arrest until Col. Strother
was brought to Winchester as
a prisoner, and then Col. McDonald
treated him more like a comrade
than a prisoner, and he was finally released. Capt. Coyner loved
Col. McDonald with a comrades
love and in later years when this charge
was the cause of Col. McDonald's
suffering--his heart bled for his old
colonel. This same comrade's love he also bore for
Col. Dulany, his
last colonel, and his love for Ashby was more than can be told, that
little word of five letters in order to express that love should
follow every adjective in the English language. In this same letter
Capt. Coyner says, "I think I shall never regret having joined
McDonald's
Regiment. I am on good terms with all my fellow soldiers
and am treated with rather distinguished consideration by all
connected with my company, and being an old chum of Chipley's,
who has
some influence in the regiment, being a friend of the Colonel's, I
think I am happy in joining this body."
ROMNEY
In a letter of Capt. Coyner's dated Sept 19th, 1861 he says "We
reached the far-famed Romney yesterday, have traveled some distance,
seen a great deal of the country and experienced some danger. On last
Wednesday (that is yesterday, one week) Sept 11th we received orders
to march and about noon set out for Shepherdstown and reached there
about ten o'clock that night, it having rained on us all the time. I
slept the rest of the night on the floor in a ladies parlor; my
clothes were so wet that when I got up the next morning the dry places
on the blanket the night before had become as wet as if they had been
dipped in water. We were treated well by the people and fared
sumptuously, the town being almost wholly secession; although right
upon the Potomac, and right in sight of the enemy's camp. We left
there and went down the river about five miles to the camp of the rest
of the rigiment; without any battle as was expected and but two little
adventures on my part. We had been in camp all day in sight of the
enemy, "chomping on the bit" like restless horses, but held back by
the officers; they even would not let us go down and shoot at the
Yankees, until the evening before we left. Just before sun-down, that
evening a squad passed down the river to try their guns on the enemy.
We were too late however, and all turned back except two others and
myself from my company. We expected to get a shot at stragglers by
moonlight; passing down about a mile and a half below town, we decided
to throw a shot into the Yankee camp, about four hundred yards off. I
stepped down to the river bank to have the first shot, while the two
boys with me stood back, one above and one below me. I aimed at one
of the lights and fired; just after my fire I heard another shot and
my companions started off on the run, calling to me to "run!! run!!"
I, of course, followed, loading as I ran, not knowing what was the
matter. I soon found out however. The Yankee Sentinel just opposite
me on the river, of whom I knew nothing, had heard us coming, and
preparing himself had waited until I had fired, and then fired at me
by the flash of my gun, his ball passing between me and the boy just
below me. The report of gun had prevented me from hearing the ball as
it whizzed by me. We returned to camp, but I was not satisfied, the
next morning I went down to the river bank and fired at some Yankees
concealed behind a little shed and the boy that was with me said he
saw somebody fall.
'On Friday night, Sept. 13th we were again ordered to our horses
about ten o'clock and about two hundred of us with one cannon started
off in double-quick to Shepherdstown, five miles off. The Federals
had fired upon the town and a dispatch had been sent for us. When we
got there the danger had ended and no fight was to be had. We turned
back and after traveling about two hours over the roughest road
Bonaparte
ever traveled with his artillery, through fields, over
fences, and through the woods; we planted our cannon on a bluff
opposite the enemies camp and waited for daylight. I had the good
fortune to be detailed as one of the artillery guard, and consequently
was with the cannon; we had a little artillery skirmish which lasted
several hours in which we had no one hurt and killed several of the
enemy and succeeded in driving them from their camp. This was my
first artillery skirmish and I learned how balls whistle and cannon
roar. We returned to Winchester Sunday, Sept. 15th and are now at
this place."
About two thousand of the enemy were then stationed up and down
the Potomac, scattered along the river in small squads and with them
was a regiment of finely equipped Federal Cavalry committing
depredations in the country, carrying off cattle and wheat. This fine
body of Cavalry imagined they could capture our forces at Romney and
made a night attack, and on Sept. 24th attempted to surprise the
Confederates. When they arrived at the Branch Mountain Gap where the
Northwestern Turnpike passes through the mountain, and about three
miles from the town Romney, instead of surprising our picket, they
were driven back by a hot fire from our men supported by a howitzer
which also belched forth its hot fire and lead into their ranks; but I
will not attempt to go into details of this battle though Capt. Coyner
gives a full account of it, history has shown that nothing saved the
Federals except the fall of night, and it was a more shameful fight
than that of the first Manassas. The enemy lost over a hundred men
and were driven eighteen miles or more back to their fortified camp at
New Creek. Capt. Coyner was in the thickest of the fight at all times
and on the morning of the 25th of Sept. while charging the enemy who
were retreating across the river and attempting to hold the ford and
bridge, was in the advance and parried saber cuts with a big, burly
Irishman, who evidently had been at Donnybrook Fair, when he saw a
head hit at it, but Capt. Coyner was too quick for him and almost
severed his head from his body, and with a yell kept on in a gallop,
"Hurrah for Coyner!" met his ear, and the gallant command never
slackened its speed until they forced the enemy to a hasty retreat.
Many were wounded, many killed and many captured; and among the horses
captured was this Irishman's horse by Capt. Coyner, who up to this
time had rode Capt. Macon Jordan's
horse called "Tom." After this
unsuccessful attack by the enemy Col. McDonald's
little command had a
season of comparative leisure.
On October 10th, 1861 Capt. Coyner writes, "For two long bitter
weeks I have with the rest of my company been enduring the hardships
of one of the most severe of winter campaigns. We left Hedgesville on
Sunday 28th, Sept. enroute for Romney, traveled ten miles that day and
camped at Shanghai, next day traveled to Bloomery, twenty miles and
next day reached Romney, twenty-seven miles. We had traveled thus
three days through rain and sleet, fareing any way we could, our
horses eating little or nothing, and standing in the weather; when we
reached this most abominable of all places our trials had only begun,
no quarters had been prepared for us, our wagons had not arrived and
all the houses were filled with soldiers, and we were told to "fish"
for ourselves. Thus we were thrown upon the mercies of a people,
whose small allowance of charity had long since been exhausted. Many
a hungry stomach longed in vain, and many a poor soldier went
supperless to bed, if the hard floor could be called a bed. With
nothing to eat, I lay me down to sleep upon a narrow bench by the coal
stove of a bar-room, with not even its accustomed ardent spirits to
make it warm, for the shelves were untenanted. I slept, however,
quite comfortable with my over-coat for a pillow and the ceiling of
the room for cover. Next Morning we had breakfast by paying for it.
Our wagons arrived about noon; but no arrangements being made for
quarters, we lodged again in the bar-room, after taking supper at a
lousy kitchen, once the quarters of the dirty Yankees."
"Next morning we set out for Col. Washington's,
six miles below
the town where we expected to go into permanent quarters for the time.
The first night our company stayed there I lodged in Romney, the next
night I lodged in camp. The next day, being again order on a scout,
and the quarters proving too unhandy, too muddy, and too
unsatisfactory to ourselves and Col. Washington,
we were ordered to
move again to town. The order, however, coming too late, our wagons
and the main body of our company were unable to arrive that night. So
we, who had been ordered on a scout, and those who remained in town,
had to sleep another night without supper and beds. Our wagons came
up on Sunday, and we then had good quarters ourselves and horses and
thought we would flourish like green bay trees; but alas!! for a
soldier's hopes and expectations! That same day, an order came for
the army to move. About twelve o'clock next day they were moving.
Monday evening the troops began to move and about four o'clock
P.M. we, being part of the rear-guard, left town and thus ended our
experience at Romney for the time."
"I may add, that Romney is the most desolate place I ever saw.
All the fences within view of it are burned, the houses look dingy,
the shrubbery and fences around them torn down and burned, the streets
almost impassable with mud. If I had been a geographer at the time we
left Romney my description would have been--'A small village situated
in a mud-hole and built after the style of 1861-62, of houses without
shrubbery and palings and inhabited by a hungry, dirty, louzy, lazy
set of human beings called Confederate State Soldiers.' It is really
said that the houses in which the Yankee soldiers quartered were
louzy, for the soldiers themselves were all louzy. But Oh! the
desolation of War! No one but he who has seen and experienced its
effects and reflected upon them, and has compared the scenes of war
with those of peace, can form the least opinion of its terrors and its
terrible consequences. Think for a moment of a beautiful little
cottage like your own" (This letter Capt. Coyner was writing to his
pet sister, Mrs. Dr. J. E. Lockridge,
then living at Mount Solon, Va.)
"which fair hands for years have adorned and embellished with
beautiful roses and shrubbery, and lavished all the care that a
tasteful mind can produce upon its surroundings. Think of that little
cottage inhabited by a happy, contented family, and then think of the
same home, months, or even weeks afterwards, desolate, its inmates
driven away, the house flung open to the commons, windows broken out,
doors broken down, shrubbery destroyed, trees cut down and burned, and
perhaps the whole scene, once happy, cheerful and b right, now
blackened ruins! Such is no picture of the imagination. I have
experienced such. I have seen such a home, bright and cheerful--and
even beautiful--I returned and all was desolate. Monday night we,
being with the rear of the army, bivouaced, lay on our arms by fires
built of rails, about nine miles from Romney. We ate nothing that
night again, and next day about twelve o' clock, fell upon a man who
had some apple pies to sell, I paid my bottom cent for and that did me
until night when we caught up with our wagon. We struggled on, left
the main army on Wednesday and reached this place, Shanghai, again on
Saturday. We have good quarters now."
And to show Capt. Coyner's love for his sister,
Mrs. Lockridge he
says in winding up this newsy letter, "You ask about your picture. I
have ever since I received it carried it next to my heart, I will
never lose it, my dear sister, except with my life." And there was
where that picture was found three years afterwards when Capt. Coyner
laid down his life for his country.
Between this time, October the 10th, and the 26th of the same
month were employed in organizing a more extensive expedition for the
purpose of capturing Romney and the rich Valley of the South Branch.
Capt. Coyner, then only a private, was frequently sent by
Col. McDonald on scouts and aided his
beloved Colonel in many ways.
The Yankees' General Kelly,
having massed about five thousand men of
all arms at New Creek, moved on the 26th to attack the small
Confederate force, about two hundred, at Romney. The enemy advanced
the same way as they did before by the Northwestern Turnpike, and also
a body of infantry advanced on the Springfield Road. While this
handful of Confederates saw it was almost useless to attempt a fight
with an army, yet when their beloved Colonel said GO, they went, at
least some of them, and as it was on account of the bravery displayed
by Capt. (then private) Coyner in this fight the writer will dwell
more fully upon it, and while the little handful of Confederates were
defeated, if all the facts were known they will be praised, not
blamed.
On a bluff commanding the bridge on the Springfield road
Col. McDonald placed Col. Munore
with the 114th Va. Regiment. In the
pass four miles below, Col. McDonald
had stationed Col. Ed. McDonald
with the 77th Va. Regiment; and Col. McDonald
with his Cavalry and two
pieces of artillery occupied the gap, three miles west of Romney.
Capt. Coyner and others who had been on a scout brought the
information that Gen. Kelly had but few Cavalry,
and that his main
body was advancing upon the Northwestern Turnpike.
Col. McDonald
ordered the column forward and the little band of brave soldiers
advanced three or four miles on the Turnpike and met the army
advancing and a skirmish ensued; the Confederates fell back to the
Branch Mountain Gap. Here the brave Confederates made a stand and a
half hour of fighting such as that which followed is what fills many a
page in the histories of war.
But the blue-coats swarmed like bees and the order was wisely
given by Col. McDonald
to fall back across the South Branch bridge,
where he left Lieutenant Taylor with
a howitzer and a company of
sharp-shooters under Major O. K. Funston,
and he with a rifle-gun and
the balance of the Cavalry as a reserve, among whom was Capt. Coyner.
Col. McDonald
took a position on a hill near by which commanded the
bridge. As the horde of Yankees, five thousand strong, came marching
along the Turnpike toward the bridge, the two batteries of one gun
each opened upon them. The enemy replied with the same energy and the
roar of cannon was intermixed with the rattle of musketry. The enemy
charged the bridge and was bravely driven back. The enemy's Cavalry,
about two hundred strong, crossed the ford, under or near the bridge
and with the infantry coming over the bridge, drove
Major Funston and Lieut. Taylor back,
and ere long the retreat became a disorder, the
Cavalry galloped by the reserve, among which was
Col. McDonald,
Capt. Coyner, Capt. E. A. Shands
and a few others, as most of the
reserve had joined in the stampede. As the enemy came on Capt. Shands
and Coyner, having drawn the notice of the Yankees, retreated towards
the main body, fighting as they retreated. When at this junction,
Capt. Coyner saw a flag of another company of our own forces lying in
the dirt. (We will not mention the company nor the Captain's name.)
Coyner stopped right in the midst of the enemies volleys, jumped off
his horse and picked up the flag; as he got on his horse, the Yankees
firing at him and Capt. Shands, who had waited
for him, and were so
close that they were heard by Capt. Shands
to say "That's bravery for you!"
In one of Capt. Coyner's letters a week or so afterwards in
speaking of the picking up of the flag he says, "It belonged to
another company and was thrown down. It was the only thing that
arrested my attention. I was determined not to pass it. I could not
think of the colors of my country being taken and disgraced in that
manner. I exclaimed to Capt. Shands,
who was by side, "My God, look
there!" and jumped from my horse to pick it up, while the Captain
waited for me. The enemy were within forty or fifty yards, some
firing upon us, and others with their sabers drawn." When Coyner and
Shands reached Col. Blue's,
on the Winchester road where the
Confederates were collecting after the stampede, the Captain of the
Company to whom the flag Coyner had picked up and had in his
possession belonged, came and asked for it. He said that "some ladies
of Baltimore had given it to his Company," and "that it was silk etc."
Coyner said it was not because it silk that he saved it, but because
it was our flag. "You men ran over it, but you can have it." It was
for this bravery, before the eyes of Col. McDonald
and Capt. Shands
and he a private, he was made Captain of his company at the first
election afterwards and only lacked one vote for the majority.
But before leaving the subject of this flag, I think it is the
duty of the writer to show this flag business is plastered up in a
little book the name of which I will not mention, and I would not say
this much had not the author of that little book (who by the way, has
joined the gallant Captain Coyner) shown his spite upon that brave
soldier in these lines in that book. He Says, "On arriving at Luray,
I inquired of Capt. Coyner where the pickets were, and was told they
were down at Rileysville, which is ten miles below Luray. Knowing
this to be plenty of margin, I camped in a meadow, trusting entirely
to Coyner's pickets. We were all tired and slept well. The next
morning the pickets, who it seems were only three miles
instead of
ten, came dashing in and reported the enemy pushing on with a large
force of cavalry, infantry, and artillery." This was done for
spite--and is not true. Capt. Coyner, I venture to say right here,
never told a lie in his life. No! this was put in after the Gallant
Capt. Coyner had laid down his life and the war was over, and now the
writer wishes to show why an intimation was cast that Capt. Coyner
would tell an untruth--this flag business a year before.
In the small little book we find this clause about the time the
flag was picked up by Coyner, but a few hours before. "Capt. ________
told me not to go but remain and take some rest. Having fed and
curried my horse, with a piece of beef and bread in my hand, and the
Company's flag,
that had been left; I started to overtake the column."
then after he had caught up with "the column" he goes on in this way,
"that I might have my arms entirely free, I rolled up the flag
and
threw it into a fence corner." Then further on he says in the same
strain, "Before we had retreated a mile or so I was suddenly reminded
of the flag I had concealed that morning; and although the enemy had
possession of the field, I went back, tied my horse in the woods,
crawled down along the fence, recovered the flag, and came out
untouched." See the inconsistency and hear the excuse. The truth of
the matter is this, the men ran over it and Capt. Coyner brought it
off the field and he ought to be praised for it rather than blamed,
and he was rewarded by being taken right out of the ranks and being
made Captain of his company. The act was brave, it was gallant, it
was heroic!
November 1861
Information reached the Secretary of War at Richmond that the
Federal Government was organizing an army at Frederick City, Md. for
the invasion of the Shenandoah Valley. Upon the reception of this
intelligence, Gen. T. J. Jackson
was ordered from the army immediately
under Gen. Jas. E. Johnson,
at Manassas junction, to take command of
all the forces in the Valley of Virginia on the 4th of November, 1861.
Most of this month, Capt. Coyner's company, commanded by
Capt. Macon Jordan,
were on duty in Morgan County, Va. and during the latter
portion of the month at Ungers Store, twenty miles from Winchester,
and thirty-five miles from Romney. In a letter written by Coyner from
Ungers Store on Nov. 25th, 61, he speaks of "Standing picket almost
every night in the cold and wet. It does seem that our regiment
performs more service than any in the service. We are picketing all
the time in this desolate mountainous part of the state, surrounded by
Union men and liable at any time to be surprised by the enemy, and
being almost always in small parties, and liable to be taken prisoners
or lose everything in a shameful retreat. No one can have any idea of
what our duty is unless he is with us and experiences all we do. Our
companies are posted all along the road from Capon Bridge to
Martinsburg and its nenough of beautiful scenery and romantic
historical recollections to make me spill my blood for her alone, but
only as a part of my own good state do I fight for this cold
unromantic place. And Oh! The confounded Union men, how they do
swarm here! This County has furnished but few volunteers and militia
and here we are placed to protect the homes of men who despise us, and
practice extortion upon us, at every step. The curses of heaven fall
upon them! I shall never regret that I have joined this regiment. I
have been able to show what I am and am now surrounded by more
disinterested friends than I have ever found any where in my short
wandering life. Christ said "A prophet is not without honor, save in
his own Country." and this has been fully verified as to me. There
have been some changes in the regiment. Among them, we will soon have
Ashby
as our leader.--God bless that man! I am ready to follow him
into any battle, and more than willing to link my name with his."
militia and here we are placed to protect the homes of men who despise
us, and practice extortion upon us, at every step. The curses of
heaven fall upon them! I shall never regret that I have joined this
regiment. I have been able to show what I am and am now surrounded by
more disinterested friends than I have ever found any where in my
short wandering life. Christ said "A prophet is not without honor,
save in his own Country." and this has been fully verified as to me.
There have been some changes in the regiment. Among them, we will
soon have Ashby as our leader.--God bless that man! I am ready to
follow him into any battle, and more than willing to link my name with
his."
In December of '61 our line of pickets begins a little in the
rear of Martinsburg, with headquarters at that place, run for seventy
miles to the left and right, from Harper's Ferry until it meets that
of Capt. Sheets, left
at "Hanging Rock", Hampshire Co. General Jackson
ordered all the companies of Cavalry belonging to "McDonald's
Legion" except Co. "F" to report at Martinsburg. Co. "A"
Wm. Turner;
"B" J. I. Wingfield; "C" S. B. Myers;
"D" S. B. Coyner; "E" Walter Bowen;
"G" Frank Mason; "H" A. Harper,
"I" E. A. Shands; "K"
Wm. Miller; and so on. "K" Geo. T. Sheets;
was not ordered to report
at Martinsburg. Then there were Captains R. W. Baylor,
John Henderson; John H. Macgruder,
John Fletcher, Emanuel Sipe,
J. J. Chipley, G. W. Myers and others.
Capt. had been elected Captain
of Co. "D" Capt. Macon Jordan's company, and in a letter dated
Dec. 8th he says, "I came here (Winchester, Va.) with my Second
Lieutenant, on last Friday evening. We leave this morning for our
camp again, and a feeling of sadness overcomes me as I think of
leaving this beautiful valley, the love of my life, to be again buried
in the desolate regions of Morgan Co. (Va.) Judge of my feeling on
Friday; I had been in the mountains for more than a month, nothing but
mountains--snow capped peaks--cold and desolate vallies--all wrapped
in the gloom of winter, inhabited by men whose disloyalty has become
proverbial, and on that beautiful day almost like springtime to cross
those mountains and come again into this Eden of America, this land of
Civilization. I almost wept at the contrast. But let that go! This
is the first time I have been absent from my company since I joined
it. You speak of my coming home--you cannot think of leaving the
service one moment while there is any fighting to do. It has always
been my motto to do what I do with my might. I have never attempted
any thing but what I have found that I could go through with it. I
have begun the war, and I intend to finish it, unless it finishes me,
and while there is fighting to do, let me do it, while there is glory
to win, let me win it." Has not this got the right ring in it,
reader? He did not finish the war, it "finished him."
There was fighting to do for three years--he did his share of it.
There was glory won in those three years by Jackson,
Ashby, Jones,
Stuart, and the noble Lees,
and those who followed them. He was one
who followed. He deserves some of the glory. He sealed his glory
with his Christian death.
In this same letter Capt. Coyner says of his habits "I have never taken
a resolve that I was not able to carry out, and I entered the service
resolved to live temperately and do my duty to myself and my country!
I have carried this out. I have had whiskey offered me on the
battlefield, and refused it; and that is a time when no one is
scarcely able to refuse it. My answer was 'I wanted a cool and not a
heated brain'." "Discretion" it has been truly said 'is the better
part of valor' and I have discerned really that he who goes into
battle with coolness and calmness can be braver truly than he who
rushed headlong into the fight." Of the work of this month performed
by Capt. and his company in the cold and sleet, wind and rain, it will
take too much space for this sketch. The general history of the
regiment will state that.
January 1862
Captain Coyner's beloved Colonel had requested Gen. Jackson
to
relieve him from actual duty with his old "legion" and was placed in
charge of the artillery defenses of Winchester, and
Lieutenant Colonel Turner Ashby was made Colonel.
There was none among Col. McDonald's
Captains that loved him more than Capt. Coyner and
he had the evidences on
many occasions of that great respect that the Colonel had for him,
even when he was only a private. Capt. Coyner loved his commander
and always
spoke of his as his "dear old Colonel". This love, however, did not
in any way cause him to love and admire his new Colonel, the renowned
Turner Ashby,
any less. The courtly address and knightly prowess of
this Virginia soldier warmed up the harts of his followers, whose
names shall go down on the pages of the history of this fearful,
bloody war, and convince future generations that blood will tell. The
McDonald that Ashby followed,
and the McDonald's that followed Ashby
were alike brave and gallant soldiers, and stand along side of such
names as Sheetz, Fletcher, Marshall,
Myers, Thompson, and other noble
names on the pages of history.
Jackson's "winter" march to Romney January 1862 and
what is more
generally known as "The Bath Campaign" in the winter of '61 and '62
has been published in the histories of the war time and time again.
In Cooke's and Dabney's 'Life of General
Jackson' many details are
mentioned and many facts shown by Capt. Coyner's letters which we have
not the space in this sketch to mention. We will, however, give a
portion of a letter written from "Unger's Store", a point where the
road to Winchester crossed the graded road leading from Martinsburg to
Romney. This letter is dated January 10th, 1862 but must have been
partly written two weeks afterwards, as Capt. Coyner often
wrote his letters
at different times, 'writing' as he said, 'between times'. He says
"Our last scout which lasted five days, and I may say is still
continuing, was, and is, the toughest I have yet experienced. We left
Hedgesville on the 2nd (January) for Bath, where we, that is our
Regiment, (Ashby's) and five companies of
Jackson's old brigade, were
to act in conjunction with all of Jackson's forces.
After that days
march of nine miles, we camped in the woods, sleeping without tents,
it snowing and sleeting and raining by starts upon us all night,
freezing on us as it fell. Our fare coincided with our lodging.
Saturday we set out for Bath about noon, uncertain exactly where
Jackson was.
My company was the advance guard with another commanded
by the gallant Capt. Shands, and when within
about one mile of town
(Bath), the enemy opened one cannon upon us, throwing three shells
pretty well towards us. We fell back and waited for the main body. I
was sent back (by Major Funston)
as dispatch bearer to Ashby, who was
bringing up the main body. Col. Ashby had heard from
Jackson, who was
at that moment advancing upon the town and told Major Funston
to hold
his position until he came up. By the time I had returned the major
had discovered Jackson's
men deployed over the mountains above the
town, while at times we could hear the discharges of small arms and
the yelling of the men. We waited a short time to hear from
Jackson
and then advanced. But the road being blockaded by fallen trees, we
did not get into town before the enemy had left, being driven out by
Lieut. Col. Wm. H. Baylor,
who charged into town at the head of about
thirty of our Cavalry, who had come in on the other road. There was
no fight of any consequence; the enemy breaking and running as soon as
they saw our men. Baylor shot the
horse of one of the officers with
his pistol and in the charge several prisoners were taken.
Jackson
pursued them five miles to the banks of the Potomac."
Right here happened a little affair casting great credit upon the
already brave Captain Coyner, who is too modest even to relate in a private
letter to a dear sister. He said in the above remark "Jackson
pursued
them five miles." True Jackson did, but the brave
Col. Ashby and the
gallant Captain Coyner were in the lead. Cooke
in his "Life of Stonewall
Jackson" says, "They" (the Yankees) "were pursued by
Ashby's Cavalry,
which came upon a considerable force of infantry in ambush, the
Cavalry having fallen back, the Confederate artillery was brought
forward and fire opened." This is what Cooke says, and one of
Col. Ashby's old Captains, E. A. Shands,
who gave up his noble life
April 9th, 1862 relates this of Capt. Coyner. "As we got into town (Bath)
Baylor was driving the Yankees out and myself and
ten or fifteen of my
men and his who followed as he shouted "Come on Boys" and soon caught
up with the Yanks. Coyner was riding a noble horse and kept in the lead,
with pistol in one hand and saber in the other, drawn; he demanded a
hatless blue-coat to surrender, which he failed to do. Coyner
then fired two
shots at him, (which he told me afterwards were his last) and still
the "Yank" would not drop, stop, fight, or surrender. All the time on
the gallop, Coyner deliberately spurred his horse along side of the "Yank"
and catching hold of his bridle rein, jerked both horses, the "Yank's"
and his own to a stand still. When I came up in a moment, there was
Coyner headed towards me, with his empty pistol and the "Yank's" horses rein
in his left hand, both wearing halters. Coyner was looking happy and the
"Yank" looked 'sheepish'. Of course, all this took less time than for
me to tell it, but it was not long until a laugh and shout went up
"Hurrah for Coyner!" that made the welkin ring. This he modestly leaves out
of his letter and doesn't even say he captured a "Yank" as
Capt. Shands called him.
But in the same letter and in the next clause after he mentions
that "Jackson
pursued them five miles" he says "And for three long
hours we sat on our horses or paced up and down the road throughout
the snow to keep warm, while the artillery thundered down the road to
clear it of the enemies skirmishes or across the river at the little
town of Hancock or at the enemies retreating columns, which could only
be discovered by the flash of their guns. About twelve o'clock that
night (Saturday) we went to bed by a big rail fire--on straw. The
next day (Sunday) a flag of "Truce" (taken by Col. Turner Ashby)
was
sent to Hancock, situated across the river, to warn the women and
children to leave the town, as we intended to cannonade it; and about
noon the cannonading commenced again. One of our men, of a Georgia
regiment, was wounded. Monday we marched and counter-marched all day.
Tuesday we began our retreat over the worst roads I ever saw, it
taking two days for some of the wagons to ravel twenty miles. We
reached this place Tuesday evening, Jackson
taking up his headquarters
at the house and the troops camping in the neighborhood as fast as
they arrived; some of them not reaching here until yesterday."
(January 9th) "What is to be done now nobody knows, though there are a
hundred conjectures. Some say to Romney, some say to Winchester, some
to the _________, some to Paradise, and some to 'nowhere'." We had
four men killed and fifteen or twenty wounded. Three of our Cavalry
were wounded. In the Bath fight, the enemy had about fifteen thousand
engaged and Jackson
ten or fifteen thousand--three brigades;
Garnett's, Loring's, and Anderson's;
with Meem's and Carson's Militia
and nearly all of Ashby's Cavalry."
This campaign, judging from Capt. Coyner's description, far
surpassed Bonaparte's
passage of the Alps. Snow, sleet, rain, and
hail beat upon the troops; history, however, will or has recorded the
terrible experiences of the army on that winter campaign.
Jackson
hoped to surprise Gen. Kelly
at Romney, but upon our approach the
Federal's left the place, and property worth half a million dollars,
which fell in Jackson's hands.
But the object, the results, and what
was the effect of this campaign, is not the object of this sketch, and
will be left for other pens.
February 1862
During the month of February 1862 Capt. Coyner and his company were
stationed at Shanghai, Berkeley Co. Va., not far from Martinsburg, and
most of the time his company did picket duty in all kinds of weather.
On the 25th of this month he went to Martinsburg and re-enlisted for
the war. His letters are full of war incidents but this sketch must
state only main facts.
March 1862
Capt. Coyner loved and admired Turner Ashby,
and from the time Ashby
became his Colonel the history of one is the history of the other, as
with his host of Captains up to the day of his death. The nobel
bearing and the splendid bravery of General Ashby
drew around him
twenty-six Captains and their gallant bands which were a terror to the
Yankees and the pride of all Virginians and true Southerners. See
what some of his enemies say of that great and good soldier.
"Ashby
crosses and burns the bridge after him. He has infernal activity and
ingenuity in this way." (Maj. Gen. Jas. Shields, U. S. Army)
"Gen. Ashby,
who covered the retreat with his whole Cavalry force,
exhibited admirable skill and ability." (Maj. Gen. J. C. Fremont,
U.S.A.)
One of those who had felt the strong arm of Gen. Ashby and his
men, in writing his superior in command, appeals in God's name for
assistance. He says, "There is nothing to prevent the bold Rebel
Ashby
with one thousand Cavalry, followed by Jackson's infantry, from
dashing across from Woodstock to Moorefield, yet my Connecticut
Cavalry are not sent in this emergency because they are not paid. Why
in God's name cannot a paymaster follow them?" (Brig. Gen. Robert
C. Shenck, U. S. A.) These, with hundreds of like expressions show
the estimation in which he was held by his enemies--while they admired
his bravery, they feared his boldness. It is not necessary to give
the many expressions made by Southern Generals, when such soldiers as
"Stonewall Jackson" speaks of Ashby's
"deservedly high reputation" and
his "judgement, coolness and courage" eminently qualifying him for the
delicate and important trusts, and when the Great and Good
R. E. Lee
"grieved at the death of Ashby." There were none of his host of
captains who loved Ashby more than Capt. Coyner,
there were none who followed
him into danger closer than Capt. Coyner. He says in his letters "God bless
that man!" He was willing that Ashby's
God should be his God, where
Ashby went, Capt. Coyner was willing to go,
and upon none of that host of
brave and gallant Captains did Ashby place more explicit
trust. Both
General Ashby and Capt. Coyner
had a work to do. When that work was
performed the Great Commander of the Hosts took them. Both fought for
Virginia, their beloved state, both lost their brave lives for the
cause, and their friends have every reason to believe died Christians,
and now, with the Great Lee and Jackson
and a host of other Southern
braves "rest 'neath the shade of the trees."
Capt. Coyner, whose disposition on account of his being a cripple most
of his life, hence was naturally of a melancholy turn, was covered
over with such a cloud of gloom and despair when that brave and noble
leader "passed over the river" that he prayed to be taken too, and
would gladly, as he frequently expressed, it, have gone in
Ashby's
stead and wrote in one of his letters shortly after Ashby's
death that
"Freedom shrieked when Ashby
fell." The history of Ashby until his
death the following June is the history of his host of Captains, all
loved him, all followed him, more willing to fight by his side than
stand back and see him fight.
It is left for history to take charge of the events of March
1862. Of the Kernstown fight on the 23rd the reports of
Jackson,
Ashby, and Funston state a full
history of this fight, Capt. Coyner
and his
company was on the left with Major Funston
and three other companies;
Capts. Sheets, Baylor and
Turner. Major Funston, it seems, had four
companies under his charge, which were stationed on the left of the
line of battle. These were Capt. Coyner's Co. "D",
Capt. Wingfield's
Co. "B", Capt. Mason's Co. "C", and
Capt. R. W. Baylor's, afterwards
Co. "B" of the 12th Va. Cavalry. On the morning of that day, March
23rd, Major Funston was
ordered to send two companies to the right
wing from the left wing of the regiment. He sent Mason's and
Wingfield's, retaining Coyner's and Baylor's.
About four
p. m. Maj. Funston received orders from
Gen. Jackson to hold his
command in readiness to make a charge in the event that the enemy were
driven back; and Maj. Funston then sent
Col. Ashby a request to send
him two companies. Ashby sent him Capt. Turner's
Co. "A" and
Capt. Sheets Co. "F".
The enemy was charged and driven back. Major Funston's
full
report would make good reading, but is too lengthy to insert here.
Capt. Coyner was among those who fought the hardest on this hotly contested
field and proved himself true metal. He says in a letter about this
battle dated April 1st, '62 "We lost about three hundred or three
hundred fifty, the loss of the enemy over three thousand. About one
thousand of the enemy were left dead on the field. The havoc was
terrible. I think now that it was a victory, instead of a defeat. At
least it was no error in Jackson. He was ordered by
Johnson to fight
the enemy at all hazards, the existence of the Southern Government
might depend upon keeping Bank's force from reinforcing
McClleland.
Jackson says,
"He'll do just what he did if he gets a chance" and the
Confederate Congress by the resolutions of thanks showed the above to
be correct. It was a victory because Jackson gained for
Johnson the
object for which the battle was fought. Official reports show the
total aggregate Confederate loss to be seven hundred eighteen--eighty
killed, three hundred seventy-five wounded, and two hundred
sixty-three missing---three hundred forty-three killed and missing,
the three hundred seventy-five wounded were not all missing. Official
reports show Union aggregate loss five hundred ninety--one hundred
twelve killed, four hundred twenty-three wounded, twenty-two missing.
April 1862
It has been stated and is probably true that up to the battle of
Kernstown Col. Ashby
had only twelve companies of Cavalry, the
original ten companies and Capt. R. W. Baylor's
and Capt. John
Henderson's. Shortly after this fight we find his Cavalry force
amounted to twenty-six companies. About this time we find mention of
Capt. Thos. Marshall fighting under Ashby,
also Capt. T. B. Massie.
Capt. S. B. Myer's Co. "C" about this time was divided; also
Capt. Wingfield's
Co. "B" was divided and the two companies made four.
Capt. Murat Willis and Capt. W. H. Harner
are also found to be under
Ashby about this time. On the 9th of this month
Capt. E. A. Shands of
Rockingham County, Va. and one of Col. Ashby's
original Captains was
killed--Capt. Shands
was a kind-hearted Christian gentleman and a
brave and gallant soldier. He was a warm friend of Capt. Coyner and many
were the hand to hand fights with the enemy had by these two brave
captains. Both of their noble spirits passed away in the service of
their country.
May 1862
On May 7th when Gen. Jackson moved upon McDowell,
Capt. Coyner's
company with nine other of Col. Ashby's companies
moved with him. The
other sixteen were distributed as follows;
Capt. S. B. Myers had with
him his own and three other companies at Strausburg, one company had
been sent to watch Shields then advancing to Front Royal. Two
companies had been left at Front Royal; one Company was on a scout
towards Strausburg, and eight were with Col. Ashby
guarding Jackson's
flanks. The full account of the battle of McDowell and
Jackson's
victory history has and will show up in its proper light. After the
battle Capt. Coyner, under Capt. Geo. Sheets,
followed the enemy to Franklin.
Many incidents have come to the writers notice of this mountain fight,
having but recently been upon the battle ground, but this is not the
proper place for them. On May 15th and 16th Jackson
and his army
were encamped at Lebanon, White Sulphur Springs thirty miles from
Harrisonburg, and directed Ashby not to leave the valley,
but to cut
off communications between himself,
Jackson and Banks.
May 17th
Jackson
left White Sulphur Springs and reached Mt. Solon in Augusta
Co. Va., Capt. Coyner's home. In marching along the pike about a mile
from the little village of Mount Solon the road passes over a high
hill. Capt. Coyner was advance guard and was the first to mount the hill,
and as he rode with Lieut. B. A. Brown beside him.
He turned to his
command and said "Boys, there is my home." And there went up such a
shout from the top of that hill that was never excelled, and created
an impression upon those living there today that they have not
forgotten. This showed the love and good feeling Capt. Coyner's men
held for him and caused them to follow him anywhere.
Gen. Jackson's army encamped at Mount Solon and remained there
until the 18th. On the 19th he was at Harrisonburg; on the 20th New
Market. On May 24th he was at Middletown. On the 22nd
Gen. Ashby, in
a skirmish with 1st Regt. Md. Infantry and two companies of
Pennsylvania Infantry (Federal) lost twenty-six killed and wounded.
Among the killed were the brave and gallant Capt. Sheets
and Fletcher.
Sheets had commanded Co. "F" from the first and
Fletcher had but a
short time before been made Capt. of Co. "F".
The battle of May 24th I will not describe, neither do I wish to
make any excuse for what the Cavalry did that seemed to have brought
down upon their head's the censure of "Stonewall Jackson",
neither do
I wish to say anything detrimental to that old veteran, but to show
that he ought not to blame the Cavalry alone. Dr. Averett
in his
"Ashby" answers Dr. Dabney,
whom it seems charges in his "Life of
Stonewall Jackson" that the
"plundering at Middleton on May 24th 1862
was confined for the most part to the Cavalry," in this wise. "No one
will pretend to say that the plundering after the initial success at
Middleton was entirely confined to the infantry. Col. Ashby
was too
busily engaged with the important duty of keeping up the panic and
preventing the enemy from getting artillery into position to play it
upon the pursuers to attend to or prevent it, and regreted extremely
that any member of his command should have so forgotten his duty on
this occasion. The charge, however, that the plundering was for the
most part confined to the Cavalry is as untrue as it is
unkind. That
body of noble patriots, known first as the Ashby Cavalry, and
afterwards under Wm. E. Jones and Rosser
as the Laurel Brigade, which
still preserves with lofty pride the memory of such men as
Sheets,
Fletcher, Marshall, Myers,
Magruder, Jones, Thompson,
and the gallant
shall not be branded with impunity as stragglers and plunderers, par
excellence, while a grateful people retain the recollection of what
was accomplished by them under the lead of Ashby."
Dr. R. L. Dabney,
then acting as Assistant-Adjunct General--Valley District, we suppose
only based his assertion upon Col. S. Crutchfield's report,
who was
and reported as Chief of Artillery, Valley District, and did not see
personally this plundering. But before charging the Cavalry with the
whole or most of the plundering he should have read more closely what
Col. Crutchfield says.
In his report dated "Near Gordonsville, Va. July 25th '62 we find
this clause "Arriving on the edge of Newtown, we found ourselves
entirely without an infantry support, so I halted the guns and rode
back to hurry them forward. I found some hundred or so of the Seventy
Louisiana Regiment coming on slowly, much broken down by fatigue and
health. These I hurried on, but going back I found the remainder of
the supporting force busily engaged in plundering the captured wagons.
Unable to force or persuade them to abandon this disgraceful
employment and return to their duty, I returned to Newton, and after
consulting Colonel Ashby
we concluded it would be imprudent to push
the pursuit farther until other infantry should come up, especially as
there were but fifty Cavalry, under Major Funston,
remaining with us,
the residue being eagerly engaged in plundering the captured train."
This report of Col. Crutchfield
though it does not say that the
Cavalry did most of the plundering, but it is what we suppose Major
Dabney bases his assertion upon. It will be noticed that
Col. Crutchfield in mentioning the 7th La. Regiment
says a hundred or
so, then he says there were fifty Cavalry at Newtown under Major
Funston. We do not only doubt, Colonel Crutchfield,
but say that he
was mistaken, for we have no reason to believe he counted the "one
hundred or so" of the La. Regiment nor the "fifty Cavalry" and
Col. Preston Chew in a letter to Mr. Averett
dated 1867, which the
writer regrets he has not the space to copy in full. He says
"Ashby
had about forty men and if Funsten
had fifty, that was ninety, and
arguing from the way the above report reads then Ashby and
Funsten may
have had one hundred or so with them at Newtown." Before giving what
Gen. Jackson says in his report I wish to copy this much of the
lengthy letter of Col. Chew's mentioned above. "The Cavalry we
defeated at Middleton retreated towards North Mountain and Winchester,
scattered; in fact, completely routed. Major Funsten
prevented those
retreating toward Winchester from pursing their retreat in that
direction, and forced them to retreat across the hills as I said
before towards the Back Road. Our Cavalry, of course pursued, and of
necessity in pursing scattered foe, became dispersed themselves.
Ashby
pursued with my guns toward Winchester, and when we reached the
point where Funsten
struck the turnpike, we threw the guns into
position, and Ashby,
with about forty men, charged a line of the
enemies infantry between us and the Christman's house.
Gen. Ashby had
started from New Market with but a portion of his Cavalry. They had
marched until the horses were exhausted--without rest day or night;
and when the enemy became dispersed and fled in the greatest confusion
our Cavalry pursued and scattered in pursuit of
the enemy. Major Funsten
had but a
very small detachment when we reached him, and we had
passed the wagon
train when the plundering was reported to have occurred, and the
Cavalry were not there, and unless they returned after we passed, the
infantry and not the Cavalry got the benefit of the spoils."
But enough is here stated that Col. Crutchfield
could be and was
mistaken in his report that the Cavalry were plundering--which from
Capt. Coyner's, Col. Chow's
and two other eye witnesses is proved to
be a mistake--but for arguments sake, say what Col. Crutchfield
says
is true, then Maj. Dabney is mistaken, the Dr. however went by
Gen. Jackson's and Col. Crutchfield's report.
Gen. Jackson in his
report says of this unpleasant affair, "I was pained to see, as I am
now to record the fact, that so many of Ashby's command,
both Cavalry
and infantry, forgetful of their high trust as the advance of a
pursuing army, deserting their colors, and abandoning themselves to
pillage to such an extent as to make it necessary for that gallant
officer to discontinue further pursuit." The general says much more
on this subject but all on this strain, and near the close he says,
"While I have to speak of some of our troops in disparaging terms, yet
it is my gratifying privilege to say of the main body of the army that
its officers and men acted in a manner worthy of the great cause for
which they were contending; and to add that, so far as my knowledge
extends, the battle of Winchester was on our part a battle without a
straggler."
Perhaps this is not the place to defend all of Ashby's
Cavalry,
and in the face of that great and good man's remarks just quoted it is
not necessary for me to say anything to defend Capt. Coyner for he was with
the few who were with Maj. Funsten,
he, however, had a good horse.
But when any of the Cavalry, Ashby's Cavalry, as
noble a band as ever
drew saber, I take it up as my duty to defend them. I take
Gen. Jackson's
own words, "So far as my knowledge extends"--He charges
Ashby's Cavalry, Funsten's Cavalry,
Coyner's Cavalry with
plundering--from hearsay--and that hearsay from an artillery man. for
we are prepared to prove that it was from Col. S. Crutchfield's
report
that all this plundering report farce came. We find no artillery-men
mixed up in the matter, if they had been, this report perhaps would
not have appeared because artillery-men never plunder. But with all
due respect to Col. Crutchfield--and to
Maj. Dabney, was there not
enough of glory for all? We deny the fact that the Cavalry under
Capt. Coyner was among the plundering class, for he said so, and he
never
told a lie. He had other faults, but that of lying was not among
them.
We believe, too, that if any plundering was done it was of so
little consequence that had not Col. Crutchfield
mentioned it in his
report, nothing would have been said about it. For time immemorial it
has been noticed that a little envy stirs up strife between the three
arms of an army, Cavalry, Infantry, and Artillery. This ought not so
to be. But say what you please, nearly all of those who concentrated
on that evening at sundown at Newtown have gone, and are now gathering
around the white Throne above--Jackson, Ashby,
Funsten, Coyner and a host of
other Christian soldiers, who "have passed over the river"; then let
it pass, but give them the glory.
June 1862
This month forms a long and interesting page in the history of
the war. A few days after the battle of Winchester, as
Jackson termed
"on our part a battle without a straggler", the battle of "Seven
Pines" took place. Richmond was to be taken; McClellan
was to press
forward from the East, McDowell
was to swoop down from Fredricksburg,
and Fremont and Shields
were to surround and annihilate Jackson and
the Confederate Government would cease to exist. This was the way it
was arranged at Washington, and when the bright days of June found
McClellan and Johnson
fighting at "Seven Pines," Jackson passed
between the two opposing columns of Fremont and
Shields, and for the
time being was safe; but still he was in great danger, for from the
nature of the country and laden with spoils, his two adversaries might
surround him, and as Shields
in his dispatches says "destroy his
escape somehow." The Federal commanders met at Strousburg to consult
and as they had a large force at their disposal, Jackson
was in great
danger from this force, and as I said before from the nature of the
country. Cook in his "Life of Stonewall Jackson"
describes Jackson's
position better than I could. He says "The valley turnpike runs along
the western base of the Massanutten Mountain, which completely
protects that road from a flank movement from the east, as high up as
New Market. But opposite that point was the gap through which
Jackson
passed in advancing. Proceeding up the Luray Valley from Front Royal,
a column of the enemy might cross the south fork of the Shenandoah,
seize the gap in question and coming in on Jackson's
flank, assail his
forces and check this further advance. At the same time the column
which was following on his rear would close in and form a junction
with the other; and he would thus be compelled to fight the entire
Federal force in the valley, interposed between his front and the Blue
Ridge."
Captain Coyner brought the information, obtained by his scouts, that
Gen. Shields had now been at Front Royal two days, and that no
junction had yet been formed with Gen. Fremont.
Gen. Jackson saw
plainly that the design of the enemy was to try the flanking movement
between the two mountains, the Massanutten and the Blue Ridge. To
defeat this arrangement Gen. Jackson
sent Capt. Coyner and his trusty company
to destroy the White House Bridge, over the South Fork of the
Shenandoah River on the road to New Market gap, and also the Columbia
Bridge some miles below, and if necessary, the bridge at Conrad's
Store. Capt. Coyner's letter given in full below shows how he
executed this important and delicate trust.
About two o'clock P. M. that day, Sunday June 1st, Capt. Coyner
started for Page County. Ashby
did not sleep that night, for well he
knew this was a critical period in the life of Jackson,
and none knew
better than Jackson, as he spent the sleepless hours of
that rainy
night in his headquarters at Mr. Hupp's
house, near Strausburg. That
night, as the night before, Jackson slept but little.
Gen. Ashby was
ordered by Jackson to send a detachment to burn the bridges; this
Gen. Ashby
did by sending simply an order to Capt. Coyner to burn the bridge
at once. Ashby, like Jackson,
had full confidence in Capt. Coyner. In the
letter given below he mentions this second order.
General Jackson had
ordered him, if he, Capt. Coyner, thought it necessary, to burn the bridges.
This second order was imperative. The bridges were burned, and
Shields, whose pontoon bridges the luckless
Banks had sacrificed, was
again thwarted; but still he sends McDowell
word that "I will destroy
their means of escape 'somehow'" and "we must cross somehow".
Here is what Gen. Shields the "somehow" general says in his
report about this failure to stop one of the greatest of all Southern
Generals, "Stonewall Jackson". "On the first instant it became
apparent at Front Royal to the general commanding that the enemy under
Jackson
had effected his escape through Strausburg the day previous
and that our forces under Fremont
were in hot pursuit of him. My
division was therefore ordered to take the Luray road, in order to
operate against him. The route which I thus took was parallel to that
taken by the enemy, the South fork of the Shenandoah and a range of
mountains interposing between us. As the enemy had gained something
like a day's march upon us, my first object was to find some mode of
crossing the Shenandoah," (or as he expresses it in several other
places, to cross the river 'somehow') "in order to fall upon his flank
while Fremont assailed him in the rear.
About five o'clock P. M. next day my advance guard reached the
Shenandoah at Honeyville, but found the White House Bridge and
Columbia Bridge both burned, thus cutting off all hope of attacking
his flank at New Market. I then pushed forward the advance as rapidly
as possible, in hopes of finding the bridge at Conrad's Store still
standing, but that bridge was also found burned. During the whole of
this time, which occupied nearly three days, the rain poured down in
torrents," (See Capt. Coyner's letter below) "so that the Shenandoah
overflowed its banks and the mountain streams became rivers."
Shields
report--page 686, War Record, Part 1, Series 1--Vol. XII.
This same "somehow" general on June 3rd, 1862 sends a dispatch to
Gen. McDowell
of which the following is an extract. "The rebels
burned down the bridges on the route; one called the Columbia, ten
miles from here, over the river, the other the White House Bridge, on
the direct route over the river. The rains have so swelled the river
that every effort to construct a bridge of boats has proved
impracticable. My only chance now is to push on to Conrad's Store.
The bridge there I expect to find burned also, but by going higher up
we may find a ford. This would bring us out at Harrisonburg. If the
river rises as at present it is doing, I cannot hope to ford even
there--With good Cavalry I could stampede them to Richmond. I will
destroy their means of escape somehow. Send me Cavalry that can march
and know how to take care of themselves." I. B. page 323, Part 3,
Vol. XII. On the same date of above Gen. McDowell
in his report Page
326 I. B. says, "Gen. Shields asks, as a
condition of being able to
stampede the enemy to Richmond, some Cavalry of a kind I am unable to
give him. The Rhode Island is as good as I have; and as to his
preventing the enemy's escape 'Somehow' I fear it will be like his
intention of crossing the river 'somehow'." On the same date at
four-thirty P. M. Shields sends the following to
Gen. McDowell, "My
advance last night reached the Shenandoah River to cross to New
Market, but found bridges burned. This will retard us. We must cross
today somehow. Let Fremont know that I will follow his rear. We have
caught him now." I. B.
Gen. McDowell's comments on the above dispatch say, "The
"somehow" in which the general is to cross the river today, swollen as
it is by heavy rains; is not clear, and the delay defeats the
movement." I. B. "The Delay Defeats the Movement!" Capt. Coyner with his
little band of wet soldiers had "defeated the movement" and saved
Jackson's Army!
Gen. Jackson in his official report says "From information
received respecting Shields's
movements, and from the fact that he had
been in possession of Front Royal for forty eight hours and had not
succeeded in effecting a junction with Fremont, as originally
designed, I became apprehensive that he was moving via Luray for the
purpose of reaching New Market, on my line of retreat, before my
command would arrive there. To avoid such a result, I caused White
House Bridge, which was upon his assumed line of march, over the South
Fork of the Shenandoah River, to New Market, to be burned, and also
Columbia Bridge, which was a few miles farther up the river."
I. B. page 711. In the same report farther on he says, "To prevent a
junction of the two Federal armies I had caused the bridge over the
South Fork of the Shenandoah at Conrad's Store to be destroyed."
The following letter was written by Capt. Coyner after he had performed
the delicate and important duty imposed upon him, and which is given
in his own language and speaks for itself. He had last seen his
sister to whom the letter is addressed on May 18th when
Jackson's army
had encamped at Mt. Solon.
Mrs. Lockridge
Weir's Cave, Va.
June 5, 1862
My dear sister,
I must write you a hasty letter and then lay me down to sleep.
We have had stirring times since I saw you , and part of those times
we, ourselves, were stirred. Never was a General in a worse situation
than Jackson
on last Saturday and Sunday, and never did a poor being
work harder for the preservation of his army than I did.
Through wind and rain, darkness and sunshine, mud and dust we
went, and we conquered. On Sunday, about two o'clock an order came
for me to scout in Page, and if necessary burn the two bridges over
which it was thought Shields would attempt to cross from Luray to new
Market and surround Jackson. We set out on aforesaid march and about
eleven o'clock that night received further orders to burn the bridges
immediately.
We were then at Mount Jackson, at least fifteen miles yet to
travel and nearly all the horses broken down. We pushed on and about
half way up the mountain were overtaken by one of the most dreadful
thunder-storms I ever experienced. We were compelled to wait in the
erode until it stopped raining and cleared off before we could move
on, and then half the time moved only by the flashes of lightening.
About half way down the mountain the storm was repeated. The rain
fell in torrents, and the thunder rolled. And oh! the darkness was so
thick I could almost catch it in my grasp. But still we struggled on,
and my men clung to me like children to a parent. The safety of
Jackson's
army and perhaps of our country demanded it, and though they
suffered; they seemed to suffer willingly. We reached the bridges and
they were in flames by sunup.
That evening (Monday) the Yankees pitched their tents and planted
their cannon by the smoking ruins. We remained in Page that day and
night, and the next morning orders came to burn the Conrad's Store
bridge if necessary. We started, but oh! the roughest road! For two
miles at one place we had to almost crawl. We arrived at five
o'clock, the enemy had been there--and left about one half hour. Soon
the bridge was on fire and then Providence intervened; the windows of
Heaven opened, the floods came and Jackson was safe.
We have been at this place since yesterday evening looking for
the rascals to come up on the other side of the river. Ashby had a
fight this evening, I understand, and repulsed the enemy, taking about
thirty prisoners, among them a Colonel--I have no particulars. They
are looking for a big fight tomorrow. Ashby
is a General now. I have
no idea what the enemy's force is, but think that Jackson can
overthrow them. It is reported that some Southern General (some say
Bragg, some say Longstreet and some
Smith) is coming down the ridge to
attend to Shields.
Write soon and address Capt. Coyner, Genl. Ashby's
Cavalry,
I am still your brother,
S. B. Coyner"
That these bridges were burned when they were history states
saved Jackson's army,
and Capt. Coyner deserves the honor; let it rest where
it belongs. How this led to the success of Jackson overthrowing
Fremont at Cross Keys, through Gen. Ewell
and Shields at Port Republic
history has and will tell, and to write of that noble Virginia
soldier's death, General Turner Ashby,
my pen is unable to do justice.
On the ninth of June 1862 the campaign in the Valley had ended. From
the eleventh of march when this campaign commenced until the ninth of
June when it ended, Capt. Coyner, with the host of his fellow captains had
followed the Gallant Ashby
through the fire and smoke, the cannon's
roar and leaden hail, amid slashing of sabers and whistling of
bullets, down to his death. He loved his noble leader in life and
mourned him in death. Late in the evening of June 9th Capt. Coyner sent word
to Gen. Jackson that Shield's
forces were in full retreat and received
the following order--
Capt. Coyner Hd. Qr. June 9, 1862
The General received your note and directs me to say that you
will please ascertain all you can of the truth of your suppositions
and duly inform him. If the enemy has fallen back, follow them up.
Word will be sent to Col. Mumford to move forward early in the
morning.
Very respectfully, etc.
H. K. Douglass
Adj. Insp. Gen.
(Addressed) "O.B."
Capt. Coyner, Advance.
Capt. Coyner, with his company, pursued the enemy that night
about eight miles, and Col. Mumford, who commanded
Ashby's Brigade
after the death of that gallant soldier, in his report says they
captured one hundred fifty prisoners, six or seven wagons with
plunder, two field pieces of artillery, eight hundred muskets, and
also recaptured one of Gen. Jackson's staff.
The next morning Shields
retreated down the valley. On June 12th, Capt. Coyner under
Col. Mumford
entered Harrisonburg. On Monday June 16th Capt. Coyner's company was
placed on picket at New Market and relieved on Tuesday the 17th. On
June 18th, 1862 the day following Capt. Coyner writes that he was defeated
for major of the Seventh Va. Cavalry by one vote. At a meeting held
by the officers of Ashby's
old regiment (the regiment had been allowed
to remain as it was) to recommend candidates for the appointment of
Regimental officers, Capt. S. B. Myers and
Capt. Coyner were brought forward
as candidates for recommendation, with another man, Foster.
On the first ballot Myers received eight votes,
Coyner seven, and Foster
three. Foster was dropped and Myers
elected and he says in the letter
"very glad of it and you ought to have heard the expressions of joy
uttered by the company, my company, at the prospect of my not being
lost to them."
Gen. Jackson sent Col. Mumford
the same instructions in a note
dated June 13th as he did in the one above mentioned to Capt. Coyner. In the
letter he says, "The only true rule for cavalry is to follow as long
as the enemy retreats; beyond that, of course, you can, under present
circumstances, do little or nothing; but every mile you advance will
probably give you additional prisoners, and especially as for New
Market. I congratulate you upon your continued success." The above
extract shows what Col. Mumford
and the Cavalry were doing. Capt. Coyner was
one of his trusted captains and assisted Col. Mumford and
Gen. Jackson
in misleading the Federal commanders as to the real intentions of that
"Somewhere" General in this campaign. From the 16th of June until the
1st of July incidents and facts crowd each other so fast we cannot
state them here. With Jackson's
army Capt. Coyner and his company marched to
the Chickahominy, and on its swampy banks participated in that
stubborn fight for seven long days and nights, of which history must
tell so much.
July 1862
Col. Mumford, in winding up his report relating to the above
mentioned battles, says of his brigade, Capt. Coyner's company and
regiment being a part, "Our work had been eternal, day and night. We
were under fire twenty-six days out of thirty. History bears no
record of the same amount of service performed by the same number of
cavalry horses in the same time." This month came in with the battle
of Malvern Hill, and as Capt. Coyner writes was filled "with hair-breadth
escapes and narrow passages between the highway of life and the river
of death." On July 7th his company had a skirmish with the enemy, in
which he writes, "I think the ferry-boat had already been pushed to
the shore of the river Styx to ferry me over. I had been ordered out
on a scout within two miles of Front Royal, and as we went on, three
of my men who were in advance halted, right under a steep cliff and
were talking to some men in a harvest field. I halted the company and
started towards them. I had gotten about middle way between both
parties, several hundred yards from each when I heard, as coming from
behind, the word "Halt!" I looked back, think it came from my own
men, but rode on; Again the word "Halt!" and again I looked up, and on
the cliff above me stood a man in blue with his glittering gun cocked,
and not more than fifteen or twenty steps off. I halted. "Who comes
there?" I knew now the only plan was for me to make the best of it.
I answered, "a friend" to give me time to turn my horse. I rode on,
he still ordering me to halt, until I had a bush between me and my
enemy, and then turning my horse, I drew my pistol, fired, and as I
fired, put spurs to my horse and rode out. I felt the beat of his gun
in my face. My three men were then fired upon, one was wounded and
lost his horse, but escaped; one had his horse shot under him, swam
the river and escaped; the other swam the river on his horse and got
out."
In this same letter dated July 14th, 1862 Capt. Coyner says, "Ah!
freedom shrieked as Ashby
fell". They are trying to blot out the name
of Ashby
forever, and trying to erase every vestige of his regiment."
What caused Capt. Coyner to write the last words, caused many who had
followed Ashby
in his brilliant career, to wonder why the name of so
noble and so patriotic a soldier should go down to future generations
unknown, almost, and his fame unsung; yet this cannot, it must not be.
August 1862
Gen. Robertson's brigade, now in
Gen. Stuart's division,
consisted of the Second Va. Cavalry, Col. Mumford
commanding, Sixth
Va. Cavalry, Col. Flournoy,
Seventh Va. Cavalry, Col. W. E. Jones;
Twelfth Va. Cavalry, Col. Harman, and the Seventeenth Battalion
Va. Cavalry, Maj. Funsten, was with Lee's
army and encamped near
Gordonsville, Va., and on August 2nd the Seventh Regiment,
Col. Jones
was ordered to hold and support the picket-posts along the Rapidan
river. Capt. Coyner was officer of the day in camp and did not participate
in the severe Cavalry skirmish with his regiment, though his company
displayed their usual bravery and were highly complimented by General
Stuart and Robertson,
as well as Col. Jones.
The general history of the brigade will no doubt give the report
of Col. Jones
of this skirmish in full, hence a detail of the same
will be unnecessary. Col. Jones
in his report says "Company D,
commanded by Lieutenant (Booton A.) Brown,
my thanks are especially
due for noble bearing in the fight and prompt attention to the
restoration of order after it was over." And further on he says
"First Sergeant (C. L.) Broadus, of Company D,
did conspicuously good
service and deserves promotion." Capt. Coyner lost in the fight seven
privates and Lieutenant Reed wounded and missing.
Total loss of the
regiment ten wounded and forty missing. The enemy had eleven killed,
thirty wounded and twelve missing. Capt. Coyner in a lengthy letter
conserning this fight regrets very much that he was not with his
company "to share its danger and its glory" but consoles himself in
his company's reputation for bravery and courage. This letter dated
August 7th was written from Orange Court House.
On the 9th the regiment was ordered on a reconnoissance near
Madison Court House. They marched twenty-five miles and returned just
in time to make a gallant charge upon the enemy in the battle of Cedar
Run and in this charge captured eleven privates and three lieutenants
from Gen. Seigel's force,
one of whom Capt. Coyner escorted to the rear. On
the 10th Gen. Stuart's
tour of inspection commenced of all the Cavalry
under General Lee.
On the 15th of August the army of Jackson was
ordered from near Gordonsville, passing Orange Court House on that
evening encamped near Mt. Pisgah Church where he remained until the
20th. On the 16th of August while Gen. Jackson
was encamped at this
place there occurred an incident, though apparently of little moment,
yet it showed the diligence of that great general. The cavalry were
on the picket, and the two picket lines were not very far apart and
frequently the "Johnnies" and "Yankees" would meet and exchange
tobacco for coffee, etc. Newspapers were exchanged and some even went
so far as to play cards. It seems that one of our boys and a Federal
picket on that day selected most too conspicuous a place for this
little game, for while Gen. Jackson
and one of his Aides were standing
talking, Jackson
was observed to place his field glass to his eye and
take a long and searching gaze. And from his look when he lowered the
glass the aide knew something was wrong; and raising his glass saw in
the distance two soldiers astride a log or rock, facing each other,
and just at that moment the Yankee (for it was a Confederate and a
Union soldier) was drawing in the "pot" which it appeared was bundles,
perhaps coffee and tobacco. The aide, forgetting himself said "Oh the
'Yank' got the pot." Gen. Jackson's
face became sterner and uttering
one sentence "Some shooting will have to be done here" he turned to
his headquarters and learning that this card playing was in
Jones
Regiment, and Capt. McGruder's
company the following order was the
only result.
Hd. 2d. Va. D.
General
Maj. Gen. Jackson directs me to
enjoin upon you to see that no
persons are allowed to cross our lines to or from the enemy (of course
excepting Yankee deserters). He desires that pickets are particularly
instructed to this effect.
Respectfully yr obt Serv.
H. K. Douglass
A. I. G.
Brg. Gen. B. H. Robertson
Confederate Cavalry
Indorsed
Respectfully referred to Col. Jones
B. H. Robertson Brg. Gen.
Also indorsed
Capt. Coyner
Please send to Capt. Magruder
W. E. J.
This was all there was of it, and of course the "Yank" carried
off the "pot." The ford near this place was called "Tobacco Stick
Ford", but among the boys of this regiment it was called afterwards
"Poker Pot Ford." On the morning of August 20th the Sixth, Seventh,
and twelfth regiments of Gen. Robertson's
brigade were ordered to
cross the river at this ford, which they did and encountered the enemy
pickets between Stevensburg and Brandy Station.
Col. Jones made a
spirited attack with the Seventh regiment and drove in the enemy's
outpost to their reserve. Heavy skirmishing on both sides then
ensued, in which Capt. Coyner and his company took an active part, being the
advance of the Seventh Va. Cavalry, which was also the advance
regiment, and this regiment and especially Capt. Coyner's company bore the
brunt of the fight. The force was Cavalry only, and midway between
Brandy station and Rappahannock Station the enemy made a determined
stand in solid column of squadrons on the ridge, with skirmishers,
mounted, deployed to the front, with which Capt. Coyner's company and the
balance of the regiment became hotly engaged with an unequal force.
There were five Federal Regiments against our gallant Seventh, that
Stuart in this fight says "behave with marked courage and
determination" and also says further on that "Gen. Robertson
has cause
to be proud of his command." At this first two hours struggle,
Capt. Coyner while at the head of his brave company met the Second New York
Cavalry almost entire, and drove them back upon their support at
Brandy Station. It was during this fierce onset of this gallant
regiment that Capt. Coyner was wounded in the thigh, and one of his men
observing the fact, urged him to retire; but it would have taken almost
a fatal wound to have caused him to do so while his brave company was
driving five times their number, and it was not until the Seventh
Regiment was reinforced by the balance of the brigade, did
Capt. Coyner retire from the field, and Col. Jones
in his report says
"Capt. S. B. Coyner, while bravely leading his company in this charge,
received a severe wound in the thigh, disabling him some time from
active duty, but still remained at the head of his company until we
were reinforced, when he was compelled to retire." This wound proved
more severe than at first supposed, and from the loss of blood came
very nearly proving fatal. On the 22nd Capt. Coyner obtained a furlough and
started on that day for his home in Augusta County, Va. at which place
he remained for about three months.
September, October, November 1862
Capt. Coyner was in active service from the time the war began until his
death in the fall of 1863, except these three months while waiting for
his wound to heal. This wound was in his crippled leg. And singular
too, his death wound was in the same leg. He had grown stronger in
body and in mind from his constant warfare; in a letter written to his
mother we find the following. "I have seen and experienced enough to
make me a man in feelings and looks. Heat and cold, sunshine and
darkness, winter rains and summer droughts, the toil of long marches,
the hardships of camp, the dangers of the battlefield, and have I seen
and felt--and still expect to see and feel, and they have left their
impress, but not for the worse. In body I feel stronger and better
than I ever did, at least since those days of my boyhood, when I used,
in defiance of snowy weather and bleak winds, to run about with my
shirt collar thrown open and my bosom bare. In my mind, I feel
stronger and firmer and more confident. In my heart, I feel morally
wiser, better and less misanthropic. But with what an uncertainty
these long months burdened my mind. I knew not whether she, whom I
had long since found my best and most disinterested earthly friend,
was in the land of the living or dead; I knew not whether she was
still struggling with her fate, or whether she had been released and
taken away by angelic friends; I knew not whether she watched over me
from the foot of the Sapphire Throne, or whether she knelt nightly at
the mercy-seat and offered her earthly prayers in my behalf." Note in
the following extract from a letter to his mother from whom he had not
heard for some time, and note how that soldier boy loved his mother;
can a son who loves his mother as the following shows be other than
noble and brave? "If she (his mother) be on earth the Heavenly
father's ear is always filled with intercession for her wandering son,
and if Holy Angels have borne her to the Spirit Land, her glorious
Spirit still guards and guides the heart of him who ever loved her
more than he could express and who ever esteemed her more than tongue
could tell. But Oh! My dear mother, what must have been your
feelings?--Your suspense?--Your painful forebodings? I will not
attempt to say; I will not even attempt to imagine. I know too well
your heart. I know too well the tenderness of your affection for your
children. And then your fate, your cruel fate! But am I addressing
the living or the dead? Oh! where art though, my Mother? And where
are those three beautiful blooming boys I left with you? and where is
the beautiful Louise?
Oh! this suspense for the living is worse than
sorrow for the dead." The fate Capt. Coyner speaks of was troubles of his
family caused by the war, which cannot be related here. The three
boys where his younger brothers and the "beautiful Louise" his
youngest sister. Capt. Coyner loved his mother and his affection for his
family was untold, especially for his sister Margaret.
By the last of November 1862 his wound had healed sufficiently
and on the 22nd of that month he joined his company near Smithfield,
fifteen miles below Winchester, and on the 25th, three days
afterwards, he writes "To say that my company were glad to see me
would be boasting, but to say that I soon felt at home would be only
telling the truth. I believe these men are really my friends, and for
me not to feel well towards them would be ungrateful. The company,
except those unfit for duty, are on picket about fifteen miles below
the camp." Col. Jones had been promoted to Brigadier and
R. H. Dulaney became Colonel of the "Old Seventh."
Gen. Jackson had
gone to Fredericksburg to reinforce Gen. Lee,
leaving Gen. Jones in
command of the Valley district, with his headquarters at
Barboursville, Virginia.
December 1862
The force left to defend the Valley at and near Winchester was
Gen. Jones' brigade consisting of the Sixth Va.
Cavalry, Seventh
Va. Cavalry, Twelfth Va. Cavalry, Seventeenth Va. Bat. Cavalry,
Thirty-fifth Bat. Va. Cavalry, the First Reg. of Maryland Infantry,
and two batteries of Artillery. Dec. 22nd Gen. Jones
was compelled to
evacuate Winchester and fall back towards Strousburg, eighteen miles
south, to avoid being cut off by the Federal Gen. Milroy,
then
advancing from Moorefield, Hardy County, W. Va. Dec. 23rd
Gen. Jones
withdrew his brigade to New Market and went into winter quarters.
January 1863
In a letter dated January 1st, 1863 at New Market, Capt. Coyner writes
"I have been all over the country since I saw you last. Here and
there and everywhere. At Winchester--back against the mountains in
Page--up and down the Valley two or three times--here now, and perhaps
when I have an opportunity to write you again, I may be in Maryland or
Old Virginia. His company was always on the scout or on picket duty,
and on January 7th Capt. Coyner writes "Since my last letter, we have been
upon the severest scout in the history of our regiment. Hard on men
and horses. On the morning of New Year's Day, we received orders to
cook up all our rations and prepare for a march. On the next morning,
early, we set out on the dreary march, turning our horses heads
towards Brocks Gap. All that day we pushed through the Gap, over
mountains, through passes, down steep precipices until night closed
in, and still we marched. About nine o'clock we got into the valley
of the North Fork of the South Branch of the Potomac, and halted a
few hours to rest and feed. About one o'clock next morning we got
orders to march again, and set out down the valley, leading towards
Moorefield; over rivers, over rocks, through mud-holes and so on.
Indeed, we rode through water that cold morning until I wished I was
in that far off land, where happy man traveled forever by the
beautiful banks of the bright-living waters, but never pass them.
When we passed into Hardy, my reflections were various. I am in a
land, (I thought) that has been so fatal to those of my name, and my
mind ran back to the days of my ancestors, when two uncles were led
captive to the altar and sacrificed by their merciless victors," (Here
Capt. Coyner meant his two uncles killed there years before by the Indians.)
"and I prayed that I might escape their fate. But then in imagination
I saw a beautiful being, standing by the portals of a magnificent
mansion, her face beaming with smiles and her eyes looking all love,
like an angel, in the Gateway of Heaven, and my heart failed me. I
gave up in despair. I, too, must share the curse that rested upon the
name of Coyner."
Capt. Coyner however adds "Let it suffice however to say that I
did not see reality, see a beautiful woman, while in the county."
Of this march Gen. Jones says "On the 2nd instant with the
available force of the Sixth, Seventh, and Twelfth Regiments
Va. cavalry, the Seventeenth Bat. Va. Cavalry Che Battery, the First
Bat. Maryland Cavalry, the First Bat. Maryland Infantry, and the
Maryland Battery, I marched on Moorefield. By a forced march with the
cavalry and artillery, our destination was reached by 7 A. M. on the
3rd. Hoping to overcome the force at Moorefield before the arrival of
that from Petersburg, the attack was made at once." A detailed
account of this fight is found in the General's report. The Seventh
regiment captured twenty men near Moorefield early in the morning and
that regiment and the Sixth in the evening captured forty-six more.
On this scout Gen. Jones
killed one man, captured ninety-nine (among
them one captain and two lieutenants) fifty-one horses, eighteen sets
of harness, five wagons and caused the enemy to burn fifteen or twenty
thousand dollars worth of property.
On January 8th Capt. Coyner, with his company, was ordered on detached
service to Luray, to arrest and report to Gen. Lee
at Fredericksburg,
some soldiers who had been derelict in their duty. On the 13th
Capt. Coyner sent a part of his company to Fredericksburg and on the 15th
another squad on detached service; and it was not until about the last
of January before he collected his company again, when
Gen. Jones had
orders to drive the enemy from the Valley.
February 1863
During the first part of this month Capt. Coyner was busy drilling his
company, making out muster and pay rolls, and relates some interesting
experiences at the famous "Four Mile House" near Strousburg, and about
the middle of the month moved his company near Edinburg. Finds a
sweetheart--falls in love. Rides ten miles to an infair. Takes up a
collection in his company for the sufferers of Fredericksburg,
Collects $355.00--gives $40.00 himself. He says in a letter dated
February 25 1863 that "The Immortal Seventh" made up in all for the
sufferers $3065.00. On the morning of the 26th the First New York
Cavalry and the thirteenth Pennsylvania Cavalry attacked
Gen. Jones
pickets and drove them into Woodstock. Gen. Jones' ordered the
Eleventh and the Seventh Regiments out, and history never recorded
such a route by one force equal to another; two hundred twenty
prisoners, and killed and wounded. Most of their equipment and all of
their arms were taken, but the history of the brigade and regiment
will give full detail of the race, and I will only record that part
taken by Capt. Coyner and his company.
Capt. Coyner and his company were ordered to mount and move down the
Valley Turnpike to meet the enemy, who were at Woodstock and coming up
the pike. Lieut. Col. Marshall
had taken command of the regiment, but
Col. Dulany soon
joined after driving the enemy nineteen miles. Here
Gen. Jones ordered Col. Dulany
to press forward as the Yankees had
formed on a hill beyond Strousburg. Moving forward, Capt. Coyner's
company in
advance, the enemy retired and formed again south of Cedar Creek.
Col. Dulany
ordered a charge and the enemy wheeling, fled in full
speed for the bridge, crossed and formed again. Only two men could
cross the bridge at once. Col. Dulany
ordered Capt. Coyner and another
company to cross the creek at the ford below, and as soon as this was
done the enemy again broke, not waiting for the Confederates to close
up with them.
They had the advantage of a start and a long steep hill, and the
Confederates could not overtake them until near Middleton. The race
now became truly exciting. Capt. Coyner's
fine horse "Bill" was now in his
glory as the fastest horses took the lead. Most of Capt. Coyner's
company were
lovers of fine horses and they, being constantly on the scout, always
kept well mounted, hence in this "helter-skelter" race this company
were in the lead and captured most of the prisoners captured by
Col. Dulany's Regiment.
In Col. Dulany's report dated March 16, 1863 of this fight he
says "We captured seventy prisoners, five of them too nearly dead to
move or parole, and two others were left on the road side, being
broken down and unable to travel, fifty-three horses and a large
number of arms." This report taken in connection with Capt. Coyner's
Muster Roll of his Company from Dec. 31, 1862 to February 28, 1863
(Capt. Coyner's Muster Roll is included at the end of this sketch)--the
original now before the writer shows that Col. Dulany credits
Capt. Coyner and his company with every one of the prisoners captured on this
"helter-skelter" race. Col. Dulany
in his remarks at the left hand
corner of the roll, "which may be useful for the information of the
War Department" says "The company pursued the enemy's Cavalry in the
skirmish February 26, 1863 from Edinburg to Middleton and captured
sixty-three prisoners and fifty-three horses without losing a single
man." Signed--R. H. Dulany, Col. Seventh Va. Cavalry.
Col. Dulany
says further in his report "As we came up with the rear, not a man
that I saw offered to surrender until driven back by the sabers of my
men or shot." "At one and one-half miles beyond Middleton I had
reluctantly to order a halt, as by far the larger number of our horses
were nearly, and many completely, broken down after a race of
twenty-six miles."
Col. Funsten reports two hundred twenty killed, wounded and
prisoners and compliments Captains W. H. Harner,
E. H. McDonald and
F. A. Dangerfield as eminent for their gallantry.
This regiment lost
two men killed and had several wounded. Capt. Coyner in his letter on this
race says two hundred and twenty covered all the loss of the enemy.
The sixty-three captured by Capt. Coyner's company as reported by
Col. Dulany
would leave one hundred fifty-seven as a credit to the gallant
Eleventh Regiment.
March 1863
On the 5th of March 1863 while the Confederate pickets were
stationed about fifteen miles from camp near Strousburg, the Yankees
made a charge upon them, driving them in and capturing seven of the
Twelfth Va. Cavalry. Capt. Coyner's
company was ordered out, but the Yankees
retreated with their prisoners before our men could come up in support
of the pickets. Wm. Coyner,
a cousin of Capt. Coyner, joins the regiment. Capt. Coyner,
in a letter, compliments his general, W. E. Jones
--predicts a bloody
year for 1863--no meat for rations, no hay for the horses, feeding
wheat for corn--lives like marion on sweet potatoes. March 28th, camp
near Front Royal, describes the country in a long letter and compares
it to the "Hills of Judea," compliments the "Old Seventh"--finds
another sweetheart--falls desperately in love.
April 1863
During the first part of this month, like the last, Capt. Coyner and his
company were busy on picket and on scouts, but nothing of great
importance happened until Gen. Jones decided to make
his raid into
North West Virginia, and then Capt. Coyner's letters contain what
Gen. Jones and Col. Dulany's reports show,
and the general history of
the brigade will no doubt show, the whole of said reports with the
other reports of the Colonel's accompanying the brigade make good and
interesting reading.
Capt. S. B. Myers,
Co. "C" was left in the Valley and the balance
of the regiment, about five hundred left camp near Timberville on
April 21st, reached Brocks Gap that night. On the 22nd they encamped
at Matthias when Capt. Coyner found an old sweetheart. On the 24th they
reached the riverbank opposite Moorefield, moved up to Petersburg,
crossed the river at the ford and encamped that night at
Mr. Whiting's.
Capt. Coyner had only about twenty men, the balance had
gotten sick or their horses had failed. Saturday, April 25th were on
our road toward Greenland Pass where a skirmish was had with the
enemy. Three of our men were killed and ten wounded, among the latter
our esteemed Colonel.
The town Greenland was captured on Sunday 26th we marched to
Rowlesburg and reached Evansville that night and encamped six miles
east. On the 27th, Monday we marched to Independence and destroyed a
bridge on the B & O R. R. On the 28th we reached Morganstown and on
the next day, 29th, marched in the direction of Fairmont, and on April
30th the regiment marched to Shinnston and from thence to Clarksburg,
thence moved in the direction of Philppi and encamped for the night.
Capt. Coyner's company was now reduced to about ten as a portion of them had
been ordered to report to Col. Lomax.
The history of the company is
in the history of the regiment, and the history of the regiment is
that of the brigade, hence the writer will give no details of the
same.
May 1863
Friday, May 1st on approaching Philippi the force was divided,
the second part being sent toward Beverley. Here
Gen. Jones gave all
permission, who desired, to go home, and the strength of the command
was very much weakened as many who were sick and worn out took
advantage of the circumstances. Capt. Coyner's
little band of eighteen still
stuck by him, and not a single one even intimated a desire to go.
Coyner's company accompanied the
regiment in the direction of Buckhannon when
they on the 2nd took the road for Weston and encamped for the night of
May 3rd. On the next day, the 4th of May, they were encamped near
Parkersburg, Tues, the 5th encamped near the same place, on the 6th
moved up the Parkersburg Pike and on the 7th left the pike at
Smithville and marched north sixteen miles to Cairo on the Parkersburg
Branch of the B & O R. R. and burned the bridge at that place.
On Friday, May 8th, moved on the above pike and encamped at Webb
& Prince's store, and on the 9th moved to the Oil Wells in Wirt
County. Leaving the camp at two o'clock that night we encamped on
Holt's
farm on the 10th. On Monday, the 11th, we passed through
Glenville. On Tuesday 12th crossed the Elk River at Sutton, and on
the 13th destroyed a Yankee stockade fort near Birch River (a pretty
hard job) and encamped twenty miles off at Dorsey's on the Wilderness
Road. On the 15th passed through the mountains in Nicholas County to
Meadow Bluff and encamped for the night at McFarlands Farm. On
Saturday 16th encamped one mile west of Lewisburg, in Greenbrier
County. We moved Sunday afternoon to White Sulphur Springs and
encamped for the night. On the 18th encamped seven miles east at
Calahan's. On the 19th reached Warm Springs after crossing Jackson's
river. On the 20th reached Glendie's and on the 21st encamped at
Hogshead's in the beautiful Valley. On Friday the 22nd of May,
arrived in camp one mile west of Dayton, Rockingham County, Va. about
twelve o'clock. The above account may appear tedious, but it is given
to show the distance this noble band traveled as perhaps the general
history of the raid will not have given it. Gen. Jones,
in this raid,
(and Capt. Coyner did his part nobly) killed, wounded and captured seven
hundred fifty of the enemy, brought out one thousand two hundred
horses, one thousand cattle, destroyed seven hundred fifty small arms
and one piece of artillery, destroyed sixteen bridges and one tunnel
on the B & O R. R., marched thirty-two days, destroyed the oil-wells
on the Little Kanawha, together with all the machinery and one hundred
fifty thousand barrels of oil. Gen. Jones and his brigade was
immediately ordered to Culpepper Court House to join Stuart.
June 1863
In a letter dated June 4th, 1863 from camp near James City,
Culpepper County, Va. Capt. Coyner writes "We have at last left the 'Valley'
w